Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Poets: Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics

ur lj k e Spies

Rhetonc, Rhetoricians and Poets

Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Poets Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics

M.4.I
A.\tSTERDA)"1 Ut"IVFRSITY PRESS

This publication has been made possible thanks to a financial contribution by the Facultcit der Letteren of the vriic Umversteit, Amsterdam, the vereniging /lour Cbristcliik Wctenschappeli;k Cmdenoiis, Amsterdam.

Cover illustration: Eloquence, Hcnncus Colrzius, Cover design: l'\AP, Sabinc Mannel, Amsterdam Lay-out: Fonrlinc , Nijmegen

s,ll4

[SBI\; 90 5156 400 4 © Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, 1999 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no parr of this book may he reproduced, stored 10 or introduced lllto a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of this book.

Contents

Chapter I The Rhetoric of Ronsard's 'Hymne de l'Or'

Chapter 2 From Disputation to Argumentation: the French Morality Play in the Sixteenth Century

Chapter 3 Between Epic and Lyric:

the Genres in le. Scaliger's Poetices Libri Septem Chapter 4 Scaliger in Holland

Chapter; Developments in Sixteenth-Century Dutch Poetics: from 'Rhetoric' to 'Renaissance'

Chapter 6

The Amsterdam Chamber De Eglentier and the Ideals of Erasmian Humanism

Chapter 7 Rhetoric and Civic Harmony in the Dutch Repubhc of the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century

Chapter S Helicon and Hills of Sand: Pagan Gods in Early Modern Dutch and European l'oerrv Chapter 9 Amsterdam School-Orations from the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century

Chapter 10 Mennonites and Literature in the Seventeenth Century

Chapter I I \\iumen and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Literature

Rhetoric Rhl.'/oric;all, and /'oets

Clrapter r z Argumentative Aspects of Rhetoric and Their Impact on the Poetry of Joust van den Vondel

List of \'(Iorks published by Marijke Spies - 1')73-1')')') Tabula (irutulatoria

12 5

Editors' note on the text

This volume contains a selection of essays by prof dr. Marijke Spies on various topics in Neo-Larin, French and Dutch r eth and 17th century literature. The selection has been made by herself; the arrangement, however, by the editors. Apart from some minor corrections and a standardisation In the references to literature, the text follows the original sources, indicated in the footnotes at the be-

ginning of each chapter. Chapters

by dr. Elizabeth Daverman. Henk Duits Ton van Strien

and 3 have been translated from the French

The Rhetoric of Ronsard's 'Hymne de l'Or"

For more than fifty years, ever since the J 935 publication of the complete works of Ronsard ][] eight volumes by Paul Laumonier, the Hymnes have been the subjeer of many fruitful studies. The relationship to classical and humanist rhetoric has been increasingly emphasized, not only concerning style bur also argumentation - they both have been at the centre of these discussions. Thus, it will come as no surprise that it is with some hesitation that I take up this subject once again. Still, despite the studies of Frappier, Dassonville, Margolin, Cordon, Demerson, and Cave, there are still questions that need to be answered and points to be considered. The aspect which I wish to consider here 1S the composition of the poem. So far, research on this issue has been divided into two groups of observations, both of which appear to have been accepted by scholars and which are not incomparible. On the one hand, most of the hymns are recognized to have a tripartite composition, made up of an initial apostrophe, a central argument, and a final salutation or vow. This observation, which was made by Paul l.aurnonier in his 1935 edition,' was elaborated by Michel Dassonville in J 962.' It was still in the air ten years later when Guy Demerson equated Ronsardian structure with rhe description of the structure of ancient hymns formulated by Natali Conn ill hIS Mythologie (] 55 J). Conri outlined a pattern of (I) praise to the gods, (2) description of their actions, and (3) final prayer. \ However, even though this Identification has offered great insight into the structure from the point of view of the history of the genre, there are a few problems that remain. In the case of the Hymne de 1'0r, the praise of this 'bien heureux metal' is preceded by a long 'capratio benevolcnnae' about which Conti does not comment. Moreover, this tripartite structure appears to be too general to deal properly with the argumentation and, consequently, with the composition of this text, as was pointed out by Albert Py 11l his edition of the Hvmncs.« On the other hand, it was exactly this line of argument in the Hymne de l'Or, rhis discussion for and againsr a proposed thesis, which led scholars to propose explanatory hypotheses. In J 951, Jean Frappier expressed his disagreement about the parallels with the i'loriiegium of Stobaeus put forth by Laumonier, and turned attention to scholastic dialectics. His thesis, which he elaborated at length in J 965,' was WIped away to a certain extent by the enthusiasm following his famous discussion with B. WeinIn' Rhetcnica. A iOtlmal of the Ilistory of Rhetoric, \'01. 7 {r<)~<)), p. r 501'170.

Rhetoric, Rbetnric*ms ,md Poet, herg about whether the intention of the hymn was senous or rroruc." A few years later, jean-Claude Margolin brought together the two positions by identifying the 'pseudo-scholastic' structure as a form of 'declnmatio' in the rhetorical sense, and the Hvmne de 1'01' itself as a pa radoxicul declaration III the tradition of the Praise of Folly of Erasmus." This analysis appears to have gained general assent. Writers such as Alex Cordon and Tcrcncc Cave repeat it without adding much commeur.' But again, there are still problems. The structure of the argument of the Summa Theolugica of Thomas Aquinns, which IS the baSIS of Frappicr's reasoning, may resemble that of the Hymlle de bur it is not the same. And the paradoxical character of this text does not necessarily evolve from the same type of debate, nor from the uomc tone that IS found 111 it. A more derailed analysis revealing the relationships with the principles of rhetoric could help solve some of these problems. There is nothing surprising in this. The relationships between poetry and rhetoric are sufficiently well known that I need not elaborate on this point any further. Nonetheless, I would like to stop for a moment to consider the Poetics of Scaliger. This author atrribures ,1 rhetorical background to all poetry and a fortiori to minor genres, among which figure the hymns.') It has been traditional to compare panegyric poetry with the deruonstrative character of rhetoric. '0 Scaliger, however, underscores the dclibcrativc intent of such genres." This is an important point because such an opinion implies a cerram dominance of argumentation over ornamentation. Let us now consider Ronsard. Scaliger distinguishes different types of hymns among the works of Ronsard, and the examples he uses strongly suggest the subjects treated In the two collections of I 555 and 1556. He distinguishes mythical and genealogical hymns such as those to Bacchus, the fictive hymns such as the one to justice, natural hymns such as that to the Heavens, and finally, hero I": hymns. Among the hymns that he calls to the fictive gods, he distinguishes two types: one 111 a mote serious style, concerning gods such as Fortune, and another humbler one, concerning human nature, such as the hymn to Poverty." I do nor want to suggest that there IS a direct ccnnecnon between the Poetices lilni septom, which was only published In 1561, and the Hvmnes of Ronsard. I do nor believe that the information currently available allows such an assertion. But what we can say is that the Poetices reflect a certain 'communis opinio', a humanist 'summa poerica' of the times, and that Ronsard was one of the followers of such a poetics - perhaps increasingly so - in which argumentation was as important as ornamentation and imitation.

re»,

The structure of the Hymne de l'Gr is developed as follows: vss 1-11: lnvocarion to Dor.ir. vss 12-5S: 'Captatio benei.oientiae' of the author (praise of rich~s does not imply that the author is avaricious) vss 59-72: Apostrophe to gold, encomunn of its power (money is the goddess of everything). vss 7J-S'): Proof of its power (everyone inclines before the wealthy, they possess all power).

The RhelrJrh-

vss vss

9°-99: 100-1°4:

105-11 L:

vss

, 13" 1117:

vss

16S-IS6:

vss vss

IH7- 19 8: 199- 2 2A:

vss

225- 23 2:

vss

2:,-,-242:

vss vss

243-(254) -260: 26 T-266:

vss

2(,7-3 16:

vss

3 17-3 22:

vss vss

3 23-333: 334"352:

vss

353-37 2:

vss

373-3 HK:

vss vss vss

3 89-394: 395-4 00: 4°1-4 16:

vss

4 17-4 22:

vss

4 23-45 6:

or R"i1"mf, "Hymnr: de /'Or

Example (Plato was deferential to the tyrant of Sicily}. Sentence (clever phrase of Simonides). Argument on the utility of gold (money is necessary to become a scholar). Arguments on the utility and the necessity of gold (money IS necessary for everything in life, even wisdom is gained through riches). Elaboration on the argument of necessity (money is necessary to be able to feed oneself). idem ditto (money IS necessary to be able to clothe oneself). Flaboraticm on the argument of utility (money is necessary for all sciences and arts). idem ditto (money is necessary to be able to heal oneself when one is sick). idem ditto {money is necessary to take care of the body and the spirit]. idem ditto (money is necessary for wartime and for peacetime activities). ArgumOlt of the honour of gold (the Ancients honoured gold). Elaboration of the argument of honour (mythology: gold IS a gift of Jupiter). COl/elusion (gold must be respected for its honour and its utility). Prayer (may gold come abide with me). ObJection (poverty is a gift from God) and refutation (if that were true, then the plague, famine, and death would also be gifts from God). Objection (gold IS transitory like the wind, etc.) and refutation (it IS not as fleeting as that, kingdoms sometimes last for more than a thousand years, like those of the kings of France). Gbiecticn (philosophers and the great captains of antiquity never had any riches) and rctutaticn (many rich men have been virtuous) Ohjection (gold is nothing but sand). Refutation (scandalous! it feed, us). Obieaion (one only gathers goods to leave them to an heir who wastes them) and reiutation (I would rather leave them to my enemies than live III poverty). Comparison (I would prefer a hungry lion to the state of poverty). Objection (riches are the source of envy, hnrrcd, quarrels, and all of the sins of the world) and refutation (that is rather more the case for poverty).

Rhetoric, Rhetoricians all/f Pods

vss

457-4 6 8:

vss

4 69-4 82:

vss 41;3-5 0 6: vss S07-)27: vss pH-55°: vss 55 1-55(,: vss 557-5 64: vss 565-(572.): vss (Snl-57l'i: vss 577-(602.):

vss (6 03)-616: vss 6!7-6.!.4:

Cbieaion (rich people are always afraid, whereas the poor sleep peacefully out of doors). Refutation (kings know how to defend themselves and are never afraid, whereas the poor who sleep out of doors succumb to illness). Conclusion (poverty be cursed). i noectioe against uhuscs (waste not your goods). Admonition (be charitable and give alms to the poor). tui-octioc against abuses (do not be avaricious). idem ditto. Admonition (be happy). Example (Priam). Examples (the father of Ulysses; Tanralus, dropsical man). Admonition {enjoy your riches as long as you live). Salutation (it would take a king's treasurer to praise you fittingly rather than a 'schoolboy').

In this analysis, I have followed the divisions indicated by the paragraphs in the printed text. There are only three passages in which this division does not coincide wirb my reading: vss 254-260, VS. 573 and vs. 603; however, these are vanations that arc of no consequence. \X/hat we sec is a structure that conforms to a great extent to rhetorical form In its most generally accepted forrn.'' We recognize the exordium (vss I-58) 'ab auditorum persona', here Dorar, and certainly 'ab persona nosrra', the author himself. This is the best way to obtain the acceptance of his audience, which IS extremely important when the question to be treated is a paradox, or rather, IS shocking for the public." It is clearly not a question of narration." This is followed by the confirmation (vss 59-333). It IS divided mto a proposition or exposition, that is to say, the presentation of the thesis to be proved," supported by different proofs, such as the testimony, the example, and the aphorism (vss 105.BJ). This division is common to most rhetonclans." The argumentation rests on the 'loci' of necessity, utility, and honourability, which belong to the deliberative genre and arc also recommended by Scaliger in this context." Next comes the refutation tvss 334-(16), made up, firstly, of all the objections to nches that can be imagined and their successive refururions (vss 334-506), then of invective agamsr those who misuse wealth, and the refutation of these in the form of admonitions {vss 507-0IO}.'" Lastly we find the peroration (vss 617-624) which very succinctly summanzes the principle points of the argument and in which there is a return to the motif of the exordium to assure once more the acceptance of the pubIJC.'0 As rhetorical as this structure is, we recognize, nonetheless, in the more emotive exordium and peroration and III the more rational confirmation and refutation, the tripartite form identified by Dassonville. But we also find the characterisrics of the hymn as outlined by G. Dernerson. Ronsard placed the proposition after the exordium by giving it the form of an apostrophe praising gold, thus as a true homage III keeping with the definition of Conti. And at the cnd he places the

The Rhetoric oiRonsard's 'Hvmnc de /'Or'

peroration, giving it the form of a salutation, which is again a characteristic of a hymn rather than of rhetorical speech. He even includes a final prayer, to which Conti seems to attach a speclalllnpOrtance. H Ronsard gives it at the end of his positive argument, that IS, before the refutation. This is clearly the most typically rhetorical part of his poem. We could conclude that the form of the hymn as Ronsard knew it from classical and neo-Larin authors, and perhaps also from the theoretical reflections of such writers as Conti, was given a rhetorical composition. An argumentative structure which is not dialectical - such as that of the Summa Thenlogica of Saint Thomas - but rhetorical, was appropriate for such a composition. The one resembles the other, but they are not identical. The rhetorical argumentation of the Hvmne de /'Or may be characterized as that of a deliberative discourse on all indefinite and abstract topic, or, in other words, as a thesis. We know that the thesis in the rhetorical sense played quite an important role III classical and humanist education. Stemming from dialectics, it originally consisted of both an argument for and agamsr a proposed thesis. This 'Ill utruruquc parrem disserere' was practised as all exercise in schools, but in the case of a real oration, the orator opted for only one position and only gave the argument against in his refutation. Man; van der l'oel, who recently finished a study on the 'declamario' of rhe humanists, emphasizes that humanists such as Agricola, Era srnus, and Ramus gave preference tu the thesis, III keeping with Cicero, because it allowed for the ideal union between rhetoric and philosophy." We are allowed to think that Ronsard was inspired in writing the Hymne de /'Or, 011 the theoretical level, by this thesis and at the same time was following the example of school exercises. As I have just pointed out, the theory of the theSIS IS reflected in the composition of the poem as a whole. But we also find a reference in the exordium to the principle of 'in utramque partem disserere' where it originates. in which Ronsard says: 11 peur estre qu'un autre apres moy surviendra Qui chanter par depir la Pouvrere voudra: Quiconque soir celuy, la chanre sans envye: (vss 53-SS)

It is my belief that Ronsard followed examples of theses found in the editions of 'progymnasmata' of his time in the creation of his poem. These 'progymnasrnara' were elementary exercises In rhetoric that were taught 111 secondary schools and during the first year of university. There were 'progymnasmata' by Theon, Hermogenes, and Aphthonius. Those of Aphrhonius 1TI particular, which had been translated from the Greek by Agricola among others, were extremely popular in the sixteenth and seventeenth century." A great number of examples were added to the edition with a commentary by Rein hard Lorichius, whose definitive version appeared for the first time III 1546, among them the theses 011 poverty and riches. French prints of this edition were in existence as early as 155 S.'-l The first of these examples is on the aphorism of Ecclesiastes 'pecuniae obediunr omnia', which corresponds to a great extent to that of the Hvmne de /'Or. It is not an example of a complete thesis, but of one of its parts, namely 'chrcia",

Rhetoric Rbetoncians and Pocts

which contains only a dry line of argumentation." As with our poem (vss 1L581, it begins with an exordium called 'a laude' which explains the moral quality of the topic, in casu the wisdom of the king of Israel. ThIS IS followed by the argument, first of all, 'ab expositione', which establishes that everyone considers riches to he a queen and serves her, exactly as Ronsard affirms in his proposition [vss 59-72). The argumentation 'a causa' follows, which says that everything that IS beautiful and g]Uf]OUS comes from riches, and the argument 'a conrrarin', which decries the material misery of poverty and speaks of the abundance of riches. ROI1S;lrd uses an identical composition (',1 causa' vss 105--,16, 'a contrario' vss 3.H-(16), but the arguments he gives are different. 1 will cume back ro this point. In the Aphthonius edition of Lorichius, there are 'a sunili' arguments that follow in which it IS said that everyone serves the wealthy, Just as Ronsard says, III verses 73-89; and 'ab exemplo' and 'a testimonia' whose contents are different from those in the Hymnc dc ['Or, as arc those of the conclusion." Let me make myself clear: the correspondence I wish to puint out has primarily to do with composition. We know that as far as the contents of his poem ure concerned. Ronsutd borrowed from the Hcwilegiunt of Srobncus, and 111 my opuuon ,1 great deal mute than P. Laurnonier suggests in his edition of the COIllplcre works.v However, there are some concrete Similarities, particularly lJ1 the heglllning of the poem: the exordium, the proposition, and the 'a simili' argument. What is more striking, perhaps, is the fact that in the body of his poem Ronsard follows the second example found 111 this edition of Aphthonius. This simila nry concerns the refutation (vss 554-5°6). Almost all of the arguments for and against mentioned hy Ronsard are found here, but reversed: riches are blamed and poverty praised. These are arguments that are also found 1I1 Stobacus.» \'{'hat convinces me of the existence uf a relationship between the Aphthonius edition of l.orichius and the Hvnme de l'Or is the third example. This time it has to do with a real thesis, that of the theme of 'divirias non esse summum bonum'. What 15 striking here IS that the refutation IS constructed on an accumulation of ohjediol1s and refutations, as is the case of Ronsard's poem (vss 334-482). Almost all of the other examples of theses found m this edition use such a construction, which proves, moreover, that it is characteristic of the genre. \\?e also find, once again, a few concrete similarities, among them the srercotvpical catalogue of evils and sins that stem from riches. and the assertion, that to the conn-ar-y, it IS poverty that leads to ill, an argument that Ronsurd uses 111 his refutation tvs-, 445-456).'9 Finally, I believe that there is enough evidence to affirm that Rousard very probably made use of the Lorichius edition of Aphthunius' ProgymnaslJ1<1ta m the composition of the Hvmne dc iOr. Obviously, we cannot exclude the pOSSIbility that he might have used another elementary hook on rhetoric. The instructions and the examples in such hooks were srereorypical to a very great extent. Nonetheless, I do not know of any edition which contains examples so SImilar to the poem of Ronsard. Furthermore, the popularity of the l.onchius

'[he Rhc/oric of Ro"""rd'"

OH)'"",!.'

de I"r)r

edition, judging from the number of printings in France, makes it very probable that Ronsard was acquainted with it. His interest In the rhetorical thesis corresponds to that of Erasmian humanIsm In this form of instruction; Implemented by Ramus, for example, in the college de Presles at the same time that Ronsard was writing his first profane hymns.v This does not mean that there is nothing 1Il the Hymne de /'Or that does not reflect his own genius. The notion that something is honourable when it is characterized as a gift from the gods can be learned from rhetoric." Bur it took a Ronsard to turn it into the great mythological scene we find in the HYI11111: de /'Or (vss 267-3 r6). The fact that irony is the style proper to refutation can he read 1Il Quintilian.v But it is Ronsard who uses it to ridicule the supercilious manner of traditional arguments praising poverty. This Flexibility of style, moving from serious to light, was seen by ].c:. Margolin as distinctive of the paradoxical character of the Hvmne de /'Or.;; Let us add to his comment that the variations in tone follow the movement of the argument very carefully: selfmockery in the exordium, followed by the relative sobriety of the presentation of the arguments of necessity and utility, but elevation when he speaks of honour; irony in the refutation, and indignation when it comes to the admonitions ugatnsr misuse. This IS a rather simple style in its entirety, adorned only in a few of the more elevated passages, as is appropriate for a hymn tu a 'fictitious god tied to human nature' as Scaliger puts it.« The contention that this hymn is paradoxical is true only in the sense given to this word in the sixteenth century. A 'paradox' was the defence of a proposition opposed by public opinion. Contrary to the 'adoxe' that treats inferior or even vile matters in a comical manner, the paradox IS in fact completely serious." When it includes Irony it is only to serve a higher purpose. It is not the tone that has been found to be 'comical' in the Hymne de ['Or'(' that defines this hymn as paradoxical, but rather its moral content. The Praise of Polly could be defined in the same way." By definition, this genre lends itself to the educational ideal of Erasnuan humanism. However, the moral lesson at which Ronsard arrives does not stem from Erasmus, rather, it reflects the mentality of economic progress which characterized that period, as pointed out by Frappier.s The rhetorical structure of his hymn does not allow us tu suppose that the admonition at the end to spend one's riches and to 'prendre avanr la mort un plaisir de la vie' (vss 565-(16) should be seen as a wink from the author. It was not Intended to 'avenge' the poet's condition at the Court during the time of Henry 11, as asserts .J .C. Margolin, '" bur rather as a 'laudatio temporis sui' which recognized riches as the econonuc force that was the basis of the new prosperity.

From Disputation to Argumentation: the French Morality Play in the Sixteenth Century"

Morality plays can be characterized as moral arguments put forward by means

of personified concepts. The characters in these plays are philosophical, ethical or psychological concepts or phenomena; their interrelations express the conceptual connections among them; and the narrative portrays the expression of a -

usually moral, but sometimes also religious or political - lesson. In most cases we see a central protagonist, Mankind, on its, or rather his, way to Wisdom or salvation, respectively helped and hindered In this endeavor by positive and negative forces, mostly virtues and vices and their adherents. The protagonist may be split up into two or more characters or may represent an institution or an event, such as the church or a dinner, instead of a personage; the virtues and vices may be supplemented by religious or institutional personages and persorufications; and the goal may be hell instead of heaven. But none of this affects the basic model.' Given all this, I asked myself whether the structure of these plays might reflect the prevailing techniques of argumentation of the period, and, moreover, whether the changes those techniques underwent when scholastic logic was, at least partly, superseded by humanist dialectic, might have had their influence on the development of the genre as a whole. I found some support for this hypothesis in joel B. Altman's book on The Tudor Play uf Mind, published in 1978, in which he argues that III about the year] 500, a rhetorical argumentative type of drama was developed in the humanist circles around Thomas More, based upon the traditional morality play. In these dramas, the Ciceroruan way of arguing in utramque partem, tending towards the exploration of possible alternatives, replaced the deductive logic which served in the older plays to demonstrate the accepted and unshakeable vision of the world. Altman, in my opnuon, does not, and at that time probably could not, prove his point very convincingly, and he even suggests that arguing in utramquc partern does not occur in the older dramatic tradition.' Given, however, the prepon" derant role which argumentation pro and contra played in the scholastic school system, it seems necessary to define the differences between this form of dispute and the more open form of Ciceronian debate before coming to any conclusions "In: Rhetorica. A journ,,1 of the History of Rbetonc: vol.

10 {I

<)'P 1, p.

1.61-1.7 I.

Rh"/oric "hdrJrici,ms and Pods

rl:garding rhe develnpmenr of drama. ln my research into Dutch morality plays of the sixtecnrh century, such di ffcrennanon hJS proven rather fruitful.' In this essay, I will try to demonstrate the role of scholastic logic and humanISt dialectic in sixteenth century drama on the basis of some French morality plays. I hope that my observations will constitute Cl model that may be useful for the aoalvsis of this type uf play If] other languages as well. The German situation in particular may prove to he very interesting, given the perspective which my analysis of the French plays seems to open. Before concentrating on the differences between scholastic and humanist ways of arguing, however, I must spend some time cxanumng the dominant narrative forms of the French 'rnoralite', as set out by Werner Hclmich in his study on allegorical forms in French fifteenth- and sixteenth-century rhearer. The 1110st important form is that of the 'pilgrimage of life', 111 which Mankind, equipped with all sorts of allegorical attributes such as the Scarf of Faith and the Staff of Hope, travels among personified vu-rues and vices such as Reason, Religl()Il, Laziness, and Rebellion and to symbolic places like the Inn of Ruin and the Garden of Worldly Pleasures. This motif became popular thanks to the fourreeurh-ccnrurv non-dramatic Pelerinage de Vie Huniainc, written in two parts by Cuillaumc de Deguileville III 1331 and 1350.' An example of a morality play on this theme i, Rim Ad/'is';, Mal Advise, performed in Rennes III 1439, which had two proragorusrs - a good one choosing the narrow road by way of Reason, Faith, I Iumhlcncss, Confession, and so forth, to Heavenly Bliss, and a bad one choosing the broad road to the Inn of Rum nud then by way of Poverty, Despair, and so forth, to Hell.' Sometimes, the whole conception of a pilgrimage is superseded by that of a purely moral development, as 1I1 L'Omlllc Pccbeur; published Jll about 1494, III which Mankind first comes to Sin, hut after being confronted by God with Illness and Death, is converted, and by Confession and Penance r-eaches Paradise.' Quite different IS the theme of the 'battle of virtue, and vices', which 01"1gmnrcs III the fourth century with Prudenrius' Psychomachia. In the Moralite des sent pcchds rnortels et des sept i-crtus, written

From Dispulaliml 10 Argll!llellt

If we consider, however, a somewhat later play of the pilgrimage type such as L'Omme l'ecbeur; the dominant structural form is less evident. To make this clear, let us first have a look at its contents. L'Omme Pecheur, Sinful Mankind, is given an Angel by God, as well as Conscience, Reason, Understanding, and Free Will, to assist him on the road. But Lucifer mobilizes his devils together with Sin, Worldliness, Sensuality, Desperation, Shame, and Fear. In the beginning, the attempts by Sensuality to seduce him are prevented by the good forces, but after Lucifer has sent Concupiscence to assist Sensuality, Mankind gives in. Under the constant protests of Conscience and the Angel, he is brought to Sin. From Sin he comes to Pride, and so forth, to Laziness and all the other sins, until at last he is put on the throne of Pride and dressed up 111 its garments. At that point, God, at the instigation of Reason and Understanding, allows a trial to take place in heaven in which Justice, on the one side, and Compassion and Mary, on the other, plead respectively against and III favor of Mankind. The conclusion is that Mankind will be confronted by Illness and Death. Initially, Illness IS defeated and Mankind continues on his way to Luxury. After a second trial, however, Illness returns and introduces Death. Now Mankind recalls Conscience, who urges him to confess. But before he does so, there is a third trial in which the Devil, against the objections of the Angel and Mary, persuades Justice to condemn Mankind ro hell. Now Mankind leans towards Desperation, but Reason and the other good forces persuade him to appeal to Compassion. With the help of Compassion, Mankind reaches Repentance and notwithstanding the persistent attacks from the Devil, Despair, and all the Sins, he comes to the Priest who hears his Confession, and all Sins are banned to hell. After a final mal won by Compassion, Mankind is brought to Penance and from there to the different Virtues and Prayer, Pasting, and Almony, A last attack from Concupiscence is beaten off with the help of Faith, Hope, and Charity. Then, at last God, advised by Divine Wisdom, commands Malady and Death to liberate Mankind's soul, which with Ma ry's mediation IS guided to heaven by Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael, while the Devil is sent back to hell. I hope my summary of this tear-jerking story enables you to grasp its most important structural features. Mankind goes step hy step from bad to worse, from Sensuality to Concupiscencc to Sin to Pride, and so on, until Illness and Death reverse his course and he continues, again step by step, from Conscience to Repentance, and so on, to heaven. The constant attacks on Mankind by Conscience in the first half of the Journey and by the Devil and his minions in the second half, do not seem to affect the consecutive character of this development. This is the original 'pilgrimage of life' model. But in this case, it IS not merely interrupted, but interwoven with the model of the 'trial in heaven,' which, of course, has an argumentative structure. It is difficult to see which of these structures is the more important, but I tend to favor the consecutive one, because the outcome of the different phases of the prol.:ess - Illness, Death, Despair, and Compassion ~ are but steps in the mere succession of events. Incidently, this consecutive structure also explains one of the most striking features of these plays: their extreme length. RicJI Advise, Mal Aduise runs to eight thousand verses, and L'Omme Pecheur contains 110 less than twenty-two

Rhelo,i". Rhc/()ri"i,ms and Poets

thousand. Given the succession of separate moments, the possihilities of expansion and addition are virtually unlimited. All this, however, was to change. After about 1500, not only do we no longer find such lengthy plays, but the plays that were written at that time also show the structure of the scholastic disputation far more clearly. It has often been remarked that the quaestio dieputata, being one of the must popular didactic phenomena of the medieval school system, had a considerable influence on the literature of that time. This applies in the first place to philosophica! texts:' But in more poeticalliterature, its Impact IS traceable too, for tnstance in the handling of those themes of the 'battle of virtues and vices' and the 'pilgrimage of life' which we ha ve already encountered. '0 Scholastic disputation was not about really debatable matters, but served to give Intellectual clarification of and insight lI1TO the logical coherence of the uruverse." In its most elaborate form, developed in the course of the thirteenth cenwry, it consisted of: (a) a short exposition by the master of the thesis to be discussed; Ib) an often very complex debate pro and contra by one or more opponents and respondents (the dis/mtatl1J in a stricter sense); after which (c) tile master again, being an independent authority, gave the final solution. Otiginnlly, this solution had a minor role, but in the course of time it developed into the most Important section of the disputation as a whole. It was often divided mro different parts and supported by arguments, and it could be followed by (d) the refuranon, also by the master, of the objections posed. Solution and refutation together formed the determinatio.:- As regards its logical contents, the dispututio consisted of a network of syllogistic deductions from a universal proposition which was not itself brought into questioll.'; I needed to recapitulate these well-known faces to clarify the points I have been tracing about the influence of scholastic logic on the morality plays. For instance, the trial ill heaven in t.Ommc Pccheur shows clearly the structure of a disputation in four parts, with the Devil and Justice as opponents, the Angel, Compassion, and Mary as respondents, and God as the independent Judge. Of the ruuereen morality plays, written from about r 500 onwards, which were published by Hehuich Jll the second and third parts of hIS collection of Moraiites [rancaiscs; no fewer than twelve show more or less clearly the formal structure as well as the logical contents of a quaestio dieputata. One play, I.a Vel/rlitiol/ de [oeepb, has a lubhcal plot and rs therefore excluded. TIle structure of the six remaining plays seems to me to correspond to another, more open form of argumentation. The twelve plays mentioned all xhnw a confrontation between tile opposed en titiex, he it by way of argumentation or by physical combat. And in all cases, this confrontation is brought to an end by the verdict of an independent aurhority. This judgment may be given in the form of an extensive argument supported by nll sorts of proofs, as is the case with the verdict of Experience in La CO/Idainnacion des Banauetz (I507 edition) written by NlCOlaS de La Cbesnavc between 15°3 and r 505, or the judgment may be presented as a simple final solution such as the one gtven by Divine Providence at the end of Louis Des-Masures' Bcrgeric Spirituetle (1566 edition)." But in all cases, the decision states Cl

From Distnaation 10 Ariiumcmmio!l

universal and unquestionable truth which puts an end to all further discussion. What follows can only be the unfolding of the consequences - sending the had forces to hell and the good ones to heaven, as in Les Blasphernateurs du Nom de Dieu for example" - which may be regarded as equivalent to the master's final refutation in a real disputation. Confrontation between opposed entities and resolution by an independent authority (God, Divine Will, Heaven, Truth, Wi~d()m, and the like) by way of a universal proposition are the features that in my opinion characterize these plays as staged disputations. Again, to make things dear I will give a somewhat more extensive analysis of one such play. Because of its resemblance to L'Omml? I'cchenr, I ha ve chosen Le Couvert d'Humanue, written between I 532. and I 550 by Jean d' Abundance. ,(, As a matter of fact, Le Gouvert should be placed in the same literary tradition as L'Omme Pecbeur, Le Couvert may even be regarded as a rigorously abridged and reworked version of L'Omme Pccheur, In both plays, the theme of 'the pilgrimage of life' is combined with that of 'the trial in heaven'. The pilgrimage theme in Le Couvert even seems to dominate the narrative still more than is the case in the other play. But when we look at the structure of Le Couvert's argument we nevertheless recognize a disputation. Unlike L'Omme Pecheur, LI? Cou/fcrt presents the moral development of Mankind as a real pilgrimage of life. Directed by Temptation to the house of Mortal Sin, Mankind is approached by Remorse. The confrontation benv een Remorse and, on the other side, Mortal Sin, Temptation, and Luxury, ends with the triumph of the former. Mankind, now dressed as a pilgrim, goes on his war to Penance, helped by Remorse, bur constantly attacked by the negative forces. After being admonished by Penance, he falls asleep and then is assaulted again by Temptation and the other vices; and this time he gives in. Real as the pilgrimage may seem with the house of Mortal Sin, the garden of Penance, and the pilgrim's garments that Mankind puts on the play's moral content is nevertheless developed by means of constant discussions between the positive and negative forces and between these forces and Mankind himself. Al~o, the quality of debate is far greater than in the earlier plays in the same tradition, including L'Omme Pecheur, This debate is put to an end by the appearance of Divine Justice and Compassion, who together come to the final verdict: Mankind will be given a last chance if he sends Sin and Error resolutely away. And Mankind does promise to do so. It IS this final solunon, ending all possible discussion instead of furnishing Just another stepping stone on a continuing path, that gives l-e Gouvert its character as a disputation. At the same time, this solution also puts an end to the play itself TIllS too, I think, is a characteristic feature of the dispurational morality play, which for this very reason tends to be much shorter than the older consecutive plays. It is remarkable that, as far as I am aware, this type of play only appeared towards the end of the fifteenth century, when scholasticism was waning. Bur then, 111 those times, unlike our own, developments always progressed rather slowly. Despite this fact, not long afterwards still another type of play emerges.

,8 As I said, there are six texts in Helmich's collection of French morality plays that JfC characterized by what I would like to call a more 'open' form of argurncncation.:" The JiS<.:USSlOll in these texts 15 not only more sophisticated than III those of the dssputatio type, but what is more important in this respect, they arc totally devoid of anything akin to an independent authority giving a final and irrefutable solution to the question under diSCUSSIOn. The debate generates its own conclusions by way of opposition, refutation, and countcrrefutarion. So the argumentative situation 1S nor one of establishing a system of syllogistic deductions from ,1 universal proposition, as in scholastic times, but tile progression of,:ls Melauchthon puts it, rationes contra rationes:' To put it bluntly, this IS the kernel of the dialectical revolution brought about by Rudolpb Agricola and made popular by Melanchthon and other humanists." One of the principal features of this revolution was, for instance, the redefinition of the concept of lucus, which since Boethins' time had assumed the role of a universal proposition serving as the foundation for argument, and which now rcnssumcd its original Ciceronian function of an 'empty' residence for propositions and. as such, a means of inquiry.") Another feature is the greater subtlety of the strategies of rdutation." Again, it is possible to illustrate my argument by means of a play 1I1 which Sinful Mankind plays the central role. This is Henry de Barran's L'Hcnnme ineulie p,lr Ft))' [Mankind justified by Faith), written in 1552. and published, probahly in Ccncva, in 1554. L ' On the title page, this play IS called a rragtc comedy, and, like the new Renaissance comedies and tragedies, it is divided into acts (in (his case five) and scenes. Nevertheless. it IS undoubtedly a morality play. ln the beginning of this play. Mankind is pulled by the Spirit of Anguish, which IS sent by the Law, from one side, and by Sin, which is sent by Satan, from the other. 'Pulled,' to be sure, in terms of discussion. All reminiscence of a real pilgruungc of life IS absent, except for the fact that at a certain moment, Mankind is blindfolded. In these discussions, Sin is, as in L'Omme Pecbeur; assisted

hy Concupiscence (who blindfolds Mankind) and by Death, and the Law

as-

sisted by the Rabbi and Paul. The Rabbi and Paul, however, also have their own discussion; the Rahhi advocates a stern approach and Paul a loving one. After l.aw has torn the bandage away fr01I1 his eyes. Mankind In his despair calls for Death and finally, at the instigation of Satan and against the advice of Paul, decides to follow the Rabbi, who hands him over to the Law. Again blindfolded. now hy the hand of the Rabbi, Man follows Ll\V and, in doing so, feels free ro concede to Concupisccncc agmn. After a long discussion between the Rabbi, Law, and Spirit of Anguish Oil one Side, and Paul on the other side, it is Paulwho thIS time tears the bandage awa y. At that very moment, Satan, Sin, and Death again assault Mankind. The Rabbi Hccs, but Paul calls Faith and Gr,lce; and when Mankind is unable to grasp the hands they reach our to him, Paul also calls the Spirit of Love. These virtues chase away Spirit of Anguish, Law, and afterwards also Satan, Sin, and Death. Mankind is converted to Jesus Christ and PC1yS for forgiveness. Satan, Sin and Death reappear but do not get the chance to lead Mankind astray, who professes faith and hope to be the only forces of peace on earth and continues praying.

From /)isp"tat;o" to ArK"",,,,,tllt;,,,,

I hope this summary again helps to make my points clear. First, of course, the narrative of L'Homme iusti(ie par Fay is in fact a dialectical argumeurcnon. Mankind is not sent from onc moral station to the other, as in L.Cmme Pccbcur, bur is convinced over and again by arguments put forward sometimes in a visual, hut mostly in a verbal way. What is more, the quality of discussion in L'Homme iusti(ie par Foy is more sophisticated, even more sophisticated than in Le Gouvert, thanks to the additional debates between the Rabbi and Paul, between Grace with Spirit of Love, and Law with Spirit of Anguish, and to the diffcrent modes of refutation used. The second and more important point, however, IS that unlike Le Couvert, in L'Homme iusti(ie par Fay there is no independent authority - that is, someone not involved in the debate, who gives the final solution. The forces which are introduced to save Mankind - such as Faith and Grace - are introduced as a result of positions taken in the discussion, and they take part in the rest of it. And to the extent that a universal proposition IS expressed at the end - that is, that Faith is the only force of spiritual peace - it does not have a status that differs from any other universal proposition put forward earlier 1I1 the diSCUSSIOn. Here, the universal proposition seems more like a conclusion to which Mankind cornes than the foundation of the argument as a whole. In short, nor only the structure of the play, but also its contents, show the characteristics of a dialectical argumentation more than those of n logical disputation. '.' As regards the question of rhe loci, a comparison of the argurnenranve analysis of these types of morality plays with Melanchthcn's treatment of the loci used in the genlJs didascalicus (the sermon) could prove fruitful.'4 An additional argumrnr for this suggestion might be that five of the SIX plays of this type that I have seen, have a pronounced Protestant character. The sixth one cannot, I think, be characterized J.S such, but it was at least printed in lSS8 in the city of Gand, at that time a stronghold of the new creed. It W

3 Between Epic and Lyric: the Genres in j.C, Scaliger's Poetices Libri Septem'

Julius Caesar Scaliger's Poetices Libri Septem - undoubtedly the most elaborate

poetical treatise published during the sixteenth century - has in modern times received quite divergent critical appraisals. While in the 1940S no one less than Bernard Wemberg emphasized 'the consistency and the general integrity of Sealiger's system', other critics could not find much coherence either in the book as a whole, or in certain sections of it.' This is especially true of the description of the genres in book Ill. Francois Lecercle, for instance, in his contribution to the colloquium on Scaliger's poetics held in 198} at the Centre d'Erudes Superieures de la Renaissance de Tours, postulated that Scaliger's treatment of this subject bore witness to the most rudimentary principles of organization only and represented not much more than a medieval catalogue of forms.' ln this article, I will take the opposite stand, arguing that the system lying behind Scaliger's definition of the different genres as well as their hierarchical organization, 1S based on well-considered categories, which are central to his conception of poetry. As Weinherg showed, this conception consists of two sets of references: to the norms of nature and to the norms of the audience;' ill other words, imitation and rhetoric. But the way in which these two sets of references interact, forming an integrated and consistent poetical theory, is not pursued by Weinberg nor, as far as I know, by anybody else. This interaction can perhaps be detected most clearly ill Scaliger's genre theory, which gives such a good account of the broad range of poetical forms that characterized his age. Scaliger's poetics IS indeed, first and foremost a theory of explanation, a means by which to come to terms with a huge mass of empirical data, augmenting and changing m the course of time at thar.» Its prescriptive meaning is based on the conviction that an empirical analysis of earlier achievements could help to direct one's endeavours in any field. To prove my point, I begin by presenting a survey of general principles as formulated m the first three books of Scaliger's poetics. In the first chapter of Book I, the author gives a functional definition: poetry imitates with the objective of teaching. As an art of imitation, poetry renders things in words, and in doing so differs from history or science only because it also represents non-existing things or things as they could or should be.' This • In; Hcinrich E Plctr (cd.), Renaissance-PoetikIRenai,wnce Poe/ic,. l\erlin/Ncw Yurk, \,,:,'altcr de Gruvrcr, 1994 (p. 260-270).

Rhetoric Rhetoricid"s ,/lid Poet:;

sounds like the well-known Aristotelian definition of poetry, but as I will argue later, Sculiger transforms Aristotle's concept of poeticalimitation JI1to something quite different. To Scaliger, however, and this in direct opposition to Aristotle, imitation is not the only characretisric of poetry, ln order to teach, it must also embrace <111 means of persuasion as taught by the art of rhetoric: demonstrative, as well as argumenrauvc and deliberative. Poets must argue the same pomts of justice, profit, and honour as orators, organizing their argumcnrarions according to the same divisions of 'status' and the same rules of disposition." In between these two issues, Scaligcr states rather cursorily that this kind of poetry has grown out of a more primitive type, consisting of songs and entertainmcnrs only, to which Imitations and persuasions from oratory were added over the course of time: The Importance of this remark becomes apparent III the subsequent chapters of Book I, which are primarily historical in scope. Chapter 2 opens with a dis<.:L1SSI011 of some erymologicul questions and then presents a historical sketch of the ongms and early development of poetry. The final result is the formulation of criteria to make differentiations within poetry itself: that which is imitated (that is, the content), the form of imitation (the verse), und the mode of imitation;' The last of these, the mode uf imitation, IS further elaborated in Chapter 3, where Scaligcr disringuivhcs three such 'modes': the narrative, 111 which the author himself speaks; the dialogicnl, 111 which the participants rather than the author are represented as speaking; and the mixed, 111 which both direct and indirect language are used." It is important to note that, in Scaliger's opinion and in opposition to most Ansrorclinn poetics, these modes do not constitute genres. He is most explicit on that point: each of these modes can be used for quite different subjects and 111 combination with quite different types of verse, and every single combination constitutes a separate gen re. '0 To Arisrorle, the imita tion of an action constituted the very essence of poetry. Consequently, to him the first criterion fur differentiating between various forms of poetry was how true to life an imitation is: the dramatic, being tile most 'realistic", IS the highest form, the lyric the lowest, and the epic, as a combination of the two, falls in between them. Only within these genera a further differentiation was made, which per force involved just the content - high, low - and the corresponding types of verse," Scaliger's less rigid cornbinarory system makes it possible to account for a far more differentiated field of poetical phenomena, as we shall see. After these first three, very fundamental chapters, the remainder of Book I continues the historical survey, albeit by separate genres, starring with the pasteral as the oldest form.'- The descriptions given in these chapters do not, however, constitute poetical norms. Those will be given in Book Ill. Wh~t Scaliger presents here so abundantly arc again, as previously 1ll Chapter 2, empirical data which support his view on the historical development of poetry, from which his genologic criteria are deduced." The criteria themselves, as well as the genres constituted by them, will be further discussed in Books 11 and Ill. At the beginning of Book 11, Scaligcr returns to the two criteria not yet elaborated: content (that which is imitated) and form (the verse in which the Imitation

BeI/H_'<'1l

Fpic mill l-)'ric

cast). There may be some misunderstanding here, because he uses words other than those we are now accustomed to. In accordance with Platonic philosophy, he argues that the things treated In poetry - the 'res' - are the 'images' of abstract, incorruptible 'ideas', These 'ideas' are the 'forms' that are to be cast into the mould of matter to become real things. In turn, in a poem these 'things' are the 'forms' to be moulded into the substance of language. In other words, the Platonic 'forms' constitute what we call the content, and the linguistic substance constitutes what we call the form of a poem. Book II discusses versification as a specifically poetic linguistic substance. 0; Book III is for the greater part devoted to the 'forms' or 'ideas' that constitute the contents of a poem, as clearly emerges from its title: 'Idea. Rerum divisio'. Here, Scaliger takes the opportunity to equate his conception of 'idea', which until now has been Platonic, with the Aristotelian one, since an Arisrorelian would argue that the idea of a house already exists in the mind of the architect before it is built. 1\ Again, this is important, because it directly concerns Scaliger's conception of 'imitation '. As things themselves are but the Imitations of ideal abstract forms, the poet has the opportunity to 'idealize' reality. In my opinion, this is what Scaliger means when he repeats Aristotle's idea, saying that the poet render-s things in words as they could or should be; or, referring to Cicero's famous words, says that he creares in the manner of an 'alternative God'.'" In my opimon, the very way Scaliger talks about Virgil as the 'divine' who distilled the 'idea' of things from nature in an exemplary fashion, supports this view." What is most important as far as the history of genres is concerned is that the 'forms' that are imitated, whether 'ideas' or 'things', are the different entities and aspects of reality, the substantia and accidentia. persons with their different qunlines, fortunes, ages, activities, families, habits, ways of speaking, moods, morals, and so on; things such as horses, swords, and books; deeds such as battles and sacrifices, places such as heaven, earth, and sea, and so on." This may be Anstotclian: not Aristotelian poetics, as we have seen, bur Aristotelian philosophy. From Book VII, III which Scaliger elaborates on certain points which were unclear, he emphasizes that every expression of things Il1 words is indeed an 'imitation', Fictional representations should differ from simple statements only quantitatively, because they give more specifications, So the statement 'Aeneas fights' IS as much an imitation as the vivid description by means of additions about when, \',..here, and how this event occurcd.w Following this tram of thought he sees the Aeneis of Virgil not as the most successful imitation of one complete action, but as the ultirnare storehouse of perfect examples of all possible 'things', including all sorts of actions. Scaliger elaborates on this, analysing and quoting, for no less than rwenrv-rhree chapters.'Q All this concerns what Welllberg has called 'references to the norms of nature', the 'things' to be imitated. But as there are so many of them, they may only constitute the structure of a poem in an exceptional case: that of one coherent action. Many poems, however, contain imitations of several different things and of things that are not actions. As we will see, it is on this point that the 'references to the norms of the audience' come in. IS

Rhetoric. Rhetoricians and Poet,

After twenty-three chapters, in Chapter 25 of Book 1II, Scaliger rather unexpectedly comes back to the question of historical development. He states that originally, poets sang only to amuse, while orators had persuasion as their sole objective. Later, however, they borrowed from each other what they were rmssing." These are not gratuitous remarks, but indicate that to him contemporary poetics W,lS indeed the nurcume of a historical process. Different poetical genres could he discussed from a more normative point of view only after the different constituents of poetry, as they had emerged in the course of time, were described. Nor can it have been accidental that the orators are called III agam exactly at this pomr of the book's argument. For if teaching IS the ultimate function of a poem, its general argument must, per force, he persuasive and its general structure has to be defined at least partially by persuasive elemenrs.» In this connection, the fact that 1Il the beginning of Book III the purpose of imitation IS 1Iltraduced as a fourth criterion of poetry, may perhaps also be regarded as relevant.> ' In any case, the structure of most poetical genres is defined by Sealigcr in rhetorical terms, as we will sec later. Before discussing poetical genres, however, Scaliger first enters into some other prerequisites of poetry. These arc knowledge, which he terms 'prudence,' and the different means to hold the attention of the public: uarietas, ef(icaCla, and suavitas. Since the figures of thought can help a lot to attain these last three qualities, he presents a rather extensive catalogue of them, roo.« As to the srructure of poems, only in the chapter on rarietas does he make remarks on altering the historical sequence of events to keep the public in suspense and avoid tediousness." For the rest, structure depends on a poem's genre. The rest of Book [JJ is devoted to the different types of genres. Scaliger discusses poetical genres III thirty-one chapters, containing about the same number of different types of poems, ranging from the epic to the elegy and epigram. The order of this so-called catalogue of poetical forms is determined hy the degree to which they fulfil! what Scaliger calls 'universality'. The poem containing the nohlest and the most complete spectrum of imitations - that is, the greatest number and the best quality of images of different 'things' - as well as comaining both possible modes of representation - the narrative and the dialogical>- is the most universal and, therefore, the most prominent.v \\7hile the epicfor that of course IS the genre that fulfils all these requirements - represents the Ideal universality, the other end of the scale IS represented by the small poem COVI:Tlng one sll1gle subject, expressed by the author himself in a song or in a form derived from it.': Between these two extremes, the sequence of the other genres depends primarily on the apphcabilitv of epic Imitations to their contents. All other genres, Scaligcr says, are derived from the epic, adapting the umverval elements of that genre - principally, idealizations expressed In words - to their own natures." As with the 'references to the norms of nature" the 'references to the norms of the audience' present us with a sliding scale, too. At the top, in the epic, borh SI:[S of norms coincide. Here, the historical sequence of events, which is the imitation of one action, constitutes the first and most important ordering principle. At this level, we have almost nothing but Imitation. The needs of the audience arc met

'5 with mainly by variations on the same basic principles - not starting ab OVO, and using variations and digressions - all designed to keep the public in suspense and to avoid boredom.> Teaching in these genres takes place mainly by way of demonstration through the colourful and biased description of good and bad actions In the story itself. \0 On the other end of the scale, we find the complete freedom of the short lyric in which the author may present his own subjective opinion in the way he likes." But between these two genres we find a large number of others, differentiated according to content, form, and mode of imitation, in which the order of events is split up and even replaced by other srrucmrnl principles by which the author organizes his argumentation. It is here that the orators come Jl1 and the structural character of a poem IS defined by persuasive (that is, rhetorical) criteria. Let me draw some preliminary conclusions. Poetical phenomena are ordered by Scaliger according to two interacting scales of criteria: one ranging from a universal collection of imitations to the imitation of one single 'thing' only; the other descending from the objective form of historical demonstration implied hy epical imitation vta a rhetorically persuasive structure to the single subjective proposition. Along these scales we find a subtle diversity of poetical genres, according to three criteria: subject, verse, and mode of imitation. When we direct our attention to the genres themselves, we see that the quantity - or rather, the intensity - of Imitation IS the first attribute to determine their hierarchy. Immediately after the epic, the dramatic genres follow, In which the representation of events is still the most important organizing principle, albeit not in such an absolute way as in the cprc itself. Of course, the dramatic mode itself has a structural consequence because, III opposition to the narrative epic, it Implies a concentration in time. But this concerns the imitarion.» The same goes for the claim for verity or verisimilitude 111 representation, being a necessary prerequisite for teaching, moving, and pleasing the audience, and from which Scaliger's conceptions on the unity of rime and a certain unity of place Me deduced.\; But it IS most SIgnificant that he does not mention Aristotle's sole real unity: that of action . .'4 In the tragedy, for instance. Scaliger's didactic aim implies that the characters of the personages in the play, rather than the action, are the most important elements." These personages are to be presented as positive or negative examples, their moral qualities being transmitted horn their emotional reactions to events and defined by the play's final outcome, when the good are rewarded and the bad are punished (the so called poetic justice). Therefore, the plot must contain a variety of, preferably shocking, evenrs.v Here, we recognize the rhetorical qualities copia and variet as, But the share of rhetoric in the construction of the play is greater still because, in order to realize this copious variety, Scaliger refers to all sorts of rhetorical forms, such as narrationes, deccripuonee, theses, ethopoeiae, and prosopopociae, most of these well known from the progvmnasmata taught at school. ,- Most essential for the instruction of the audience are the sentcntiac, the 'pillars' (as Scaiiger calls them) of a tragedy's construcrion,o that may be considered the signposts to the right interpretation.

Rhetoric Rbetoncians and Poet,

I hope it will be clear that all these rh~t()nCll elements play an important role, such a 'fictional' genre ;IS the tragedy. In other genres, this rhetorical quality becomes progressively important as the fictional quality diminishes. To demonstrate this, I will pass over the two types of poetry that arc defined by their subject matter only and that may take on several modes and forms: the satire and the pastoral. Instead, I will pay some special attention to the small genres, of which Scaliger discusses such a great number. Here, the way in which Scaliger uses his defining categories to create a sort of gliding scale Oil which all poetic types and forms of his time could he located, becomes mosr transparent. Some subjects may even be realized in an 'epic' as well <15 111 a '{yrica]' way, the lyncnl poems being short and subjecnve, and the cpic poems containing a rhetorical disposition of the argument and imitations that approach Vi-gil's. '" Since 1962, when O.B. Hardison's hook on demonstrative poetry, The Endurillg /'vIlJllUnU:llt, WJS published, a kind of consensus has grown about Scaliger's small poetic genres belonging to the 'epidcictic' genre. Their dependence on Menandcr's Pen Epideilctikon IS generally accepted and endorsed by DeNee! and VickersY This conception has the comfortable consequence of Scaliger's poetics being in accordance with the then-current interpretations of Aristotle's poetics, which happened to be rather rhetorical 1Il naturc.« However, underlining the celebratory functions and the corresponding umplificatory proceedings of these poems does not, I believe, do full justice to Scaliger's intentions. Again, only the 'references to the norms nf nature', the imitations, are taken into consideration, while the more structural aspects are neglected. Derccef even goes as far as to formulate that Scaliger did not 'relate the topics of praise to the formal structure of a speech'." The first thing which should he noted is that, although there I~ an obVIOUS dependency on Mennnder, his Pcri Epideduileon was not the only source for Sealiger's treatment of the small genres. As a matter of fact, he includes quire a lot of deliberative - exhortative and dissuasive - ones, too; especially, but by no mC;1JlS exclusively, in Chapter] 05." I think he must have taken them from a book on progvmnasmata .~, More Importantly, he states IJ1 rhc beginning of this same chapter that all rhetorical genres, including the laudatory, are in fact deliberative." He discusses this same point rather extensively in the first chapter of his first book, where, as we have seen, he explicates the general principles underlying his poetics. Poetry, as far as references to the norms of the audience are concerned, is to be equated with rhetoric, and all rhetoric is deliberative, Hence, poetry too will use the means of rhetorical argurnenranon.« lr is true that Scabgcr, as soon as he comes to the small (that is, rhetorical) g~nres themselves, refers to the 'magisn-i dicendi' for more detailed information on hIS pomt.c Nevertheless, he himself occasionally considers their dispositio III rhetorical terms also. For instance, in his discussion of the epithalamlum, the vcrv first of his catalogue of small poems, he considers the successive parts with their specific functions before entering into the more specific details of the (011~VCIl III

Between El'/( and Lyric

tenr.!' Most explicitly, however, he does so in the chapter on the panegvricon, stating that this may serve as a model for all subsequent laudatory genres. Here, he discusses rather extensively the disposition as we all know it, from exordium to peroratio.w All this, of course, IS not very spectacular lJ1 itself. Bur J think it does give a clear indication that, as soon as the level of the fictional sequence of events is abandoned, references to the norms of the audience are constituted by the prescnpnons of the art of rhetoric. These rules define the structure of all shorter poems, with the exception of lyrical poems, since the lyric is the pole on the orher end of the scale. By way of conclusion, I would argue that Scaliger's poetics should be regarded as an alternative to Aristotle's poetics, rather than an elaboration of them. Quoting Wemberg for the last time, it really IS 'completely and well conceived'. It also takes the most advanced poetical practice of his time into account, in an admirable way, including all sorts of occasional poetry and especially extensive argumentative hymns, such as those of Marullus or Ronsard, which enjoyed a growing popularity.v

4 Scaliger in Holland'

In 1593, joscphus ]ustus Scaligcr was appointed to the University of Leyden. It was Janus DOU5<1, the governor of the university, who achieved this triumph.' (Dousa had been a student in Paris in his youth, during which period he had not only made the acquaintance of Ronsard but also of this giant of classical philology.) Fur it was indeed a triumph. Scaliger was honoured to be asked to succeed Lipsius. However, he was not all that thrilled to JOlll a young university uf very little reputation in J Nordic country, which was no doubt cold, lacking in culture, nnd inhabited by people who were as chilly as the climate itself. It took the influence of Prince Mauncc of Orange, the widow of William of Orange, Princess LOUlSC de Coligny, and in particular the French ambassador in Holland, Paul de Buzanval, to move josephus JUStllS to accept the position. He was offered a salary four times that of an ordinary professor. He was not required to teach courses. Actually, he was not named professor but 'treasure' of the university and asked only to consent to live in Levden, receive scholars, and lead the annual procession of professors. Nonetheless, he made a number of conditions for his acceptance. He wanted an armed escort to cross France, which was in the middle of civil war. And he wanted portraits of himself and his father - julius Caesar Scaliger - to be engraved and distributed.' This was the beginning of what I would like to call the organized promotion of the fame of Julius Caesar Scaliger in Holland. Needless to say, before the arrival of josephus jusrus Seal.get, his father was not a complete unknown III Holland. A certain number of Dutch inrcllccruals had done their academic studies in France, particularly before the foundation of the University of Lcvdcn. Hadrianus JUllIUS, the author of the celebrated multi-lingual Nomendator, refers to him as one of his sources.' And in ISSS, ll1 a volume of poetry by a certain 10annes Fungerus, published by Planrin in Lcyden, a dedication Ad [uliurn Caesarem Scaligerum is found in which the author asks which of his qualities he would praise the most.' Moreover, the Exercitationcs ill Cardanum appear, in the opinion of Paul Dibon, to have been considered the apex of natural philosophy.' But it was only after josephcs justus bad moved to Leyden that the propagation of his father's reputation rook on a more or less systematic character. None other than Henricus Goltzius, one of the most famous engravers in Holland, had made the portrait of his father which was accompanied by a poem by * In' J. Cuhelier de Bcignac et M. Magnien (red.), Acta Scali"criana. Acres d" ColI"qJle International org

;0 Janus Dousa jr.. the son of the governor; five hundred copies were printed, not including special gift copies." One year later, the portrait and the poem reappeared in the edition of the famous, Of perhaps wc should say infamous, epistle of joscphus jusrus on rhe origins of his family. That work as a whole bears testi-

mony to tht Sc.ihgcriun promotion to which I made reference. Puhlished

JUt;

the care of young Dousa and dedicated to the above-mentioned ambassador Paul de Buzanval, it contained III addition to the Episrola de i-etusratc et splendcwc p,clltis Scaligerae, the lulii Cacsarcis Scaligeri mta; written by Joscphus jusHIS and dedicated to Dousa Sr.. Later, III 1600 another son of Janus Dousa, Francrscus, pu blishcd the Epis!u/<1c et oranones of Julius Cacsa r, once again preceded by a dedication to De Buzanval." josephus JUStllS'S admiration for hIS father, combined wirh the indefatigable acriviry of the Dousns, assured that not only the name of julius Caesar, hut also his works, inrluding the Paet i ces lilnt septelll, were known In Holland. [anus Dousa SI', is known as one of the most important mediators of the literary renaissance in the Netherlands. This 10Gl1 nobleman who had been the cornmanding Dutch officer during the siege of I.eyden by the Spaniards, had studied in Paris and travelled to England on ,1 diplomatic mission. He was acquainted with everyone 111 the republic of International letters: Dorar, ROl1sard, Bruf, Bnchanan, Daniel Rogers , Sir Philip Sidncy, TO name only the most famous. A renown nco-Latin poct, historian, and philologist himself, he may be considered as the JIlsrigator of a group of young students who defended modern lirerarure.' Neo-Lar!n literature, of course, rich in erudite imitations of the claSSICS, with only nn occasional atrempr here and there III Dutch, in love poems. It \Vas III this zealously humanistic climate that the Poences libn septell1 cxcrcised their first influence. As early ,1S 1598, Gerardus Joannes VOSSIllS made use of the work to defend a few of his theses '{iI"O gradu magisteni, We know of this defence by means of a handwritten copy. Tile defence of the proposed thesis on poetry IS entitled 'De pocticc IliItllra ex Scaligcro' and the defence of one of the theses on rhetoric contJI11S the passage 'De [ine Cranmae ex Scaligeri IiImJ I Pocticnc CdPut l':' Vossius did not consider poetry to be an autonomous discipline, bur rmher ,I totality of elements borrowed from everywhere, from rhetoric, logic, and philosophy." This conception went along quire well with the rhetorical character of SC

Sc,j/iger in Holland

the rhetorical notions of [ulius Caesar. Heinsius preferred the liberty of the poet in the tradition of the young Ronsard of the Amuurs or the Odes. Poetry was divine inspiration for him, musicality, fantasy. It was only after 1610 in his In Horatium notae, followed by his De tragoediae constitutione (16 I I), that he speaks of Scahgcr Sr. with respect. He too refers to him as the 'summus criticorum' and the 'criticus divinus". ln the opinion of Meter, who has written a far-reaching study on the literary theories of Hcinsius, this somewhat tardy esteem stemmed from an evolution in Heinsiuss ideas toward more rhetorical literary conceptions. " Given the neo-Larin literary situation, it IS somewhat surprising that the name of julius Caesar Scaliger comes up only occasionally in Dutch literary history of the first half of the seventeenth century. Daniel Heinsrus, lJl this case in his role as Dutch language poet, refers to him in 16 (4 in his Hymn to Bacchus as one of the writers who had written on the same subject; he places him alongside Ronsard and calls Scaliger the 'prince and king of scholars'." After him, Samuel Coster, tragedian and theatre director JIl Amsterdam, made reference to Scaliger in J6(9: 'Aristotelem, Horatium, Schaligerem (sic), Dauielem Heynsium',« an enumeration that would suggest he had read Heinsius rather than the other three. The same year, his fervent rival, Theodore Rodenburgh, mentioned Sealiger four times in his 'defence of poetry'. But the passages in question are found in the first part of his work, which lS a literal translation of the Defence of Poesie of Sir Philip Sydney.'; In a poem of Consrantijn Huygens - who was a close friend of Heinsius in his youth - we find a quotation denouncing the obscure poet 'who even though he wants us to read what he has written does not want us to understand what we have read'.« We also find a reference to him in a letter of Huygens to the poet and novelist johan van Heemskcrck, who had also studied at Leyden.'" The previous citations are all I have found up until 1654, at which time the name of Julius Caesar Scaliger began to appear with a certain regularity in the prefaces to the tragedies of Yonder, the greatest Dutch writer of the seventeenth century. ," At that moment, Vondel was studying the De tragoediae caustitutinne of Hcinsius and, in particular, the recent theoretical works of Vossius, the De artis poeticae natura ac constitutione libcr and the Poetlcarum institutionum, Iilm tres, both from 1647. His conception of tragedy 1S Aristotelian in the Vossius sense - certainly not m the Scaliger sense. '" Here again, knowledge of the works of Scaliger seems to have been second hand, an impression which is confirmed by the fact that in citing the 11/ ohitu Scaiigeri oratio of Heinsius, Vondel confuses julius Caesar and josephus ]UStlJs.'Q The references from Dutch writers do not indicate a great familiarity with the critical works of Scaliger Sr.. Nevertheless, there are reasons to suppose that the influence of hIS Poetices libri septem was greater than such a statement would imply. The question IS not without importance. Was there really such a gap between neo-Latin literature and Dutch literature that the admiration of the Leyden humanists for the works of julius Caesar Scaliger would not have elicited any response from our national writers, aside from a few isolated intellectuals? The 'grand old man' of Dutch literary history, W.A.P. Smit, has argued that the

klNloric Rbetoriaans ,,,,d I'oel,

internal structure of serious Dutch theatre at the heginning of the seventeenth century was seriously Influenced by Scaligerinn ideas." [have directed my attention to other genres, in particular rhetorical and lyric poems, and I would now like to present a hypothesis: the contents and In particular the arrangement of volumes of poetry written in the na nonallanguugc underwent a decisive change with the appearance III 1644 of the volume of poetry by Vondel. This change can only be understood In the light of rhe influence of the Pcetices lilm scptcm, Even a superficial analysis of the poetry volumes that were published in Holland before 1644 reveals J few clear tendencies. Alongside the purely religious volumes and the rhetorical volumes, there Me three or four predominant types. l-u-st of ;111, then: were popular, commercia! volumes. These were published bv a publisher/bookseller and consisted primarily of songs, hut sometimes also SOIlnets, elegies, and epithalamia, or poems in outmoded forms, such as rondeauv or ballads. These are works from vanous authors hur dedicated completely, or almost completely, to love." Their interrelationship seems only to be the principle of the greatest amount of variation possible. Secondly, there were volumes of poetry by a single author." These fall IIHO two types: first of all, volumes arranged mort: or less according to the old manner of the rhetoricians whose poems were either comical. amorous, or prudent. The love poetry, moral poetry, or religious poetry-:' of these volumes were Intended, in my opinion, to meet the pedagogic notions of spiritual development." The second type consisted of volumes in which there were amorous emblems and all sorts of other poems jumbled together." Up until the appearance of the Dutch poems of Heinsius in 1616, who belonged to the second of these two groups, almost all poetry was written under the influence of Pctrurch and the lyrical Pteiadc. ,- We discern in Helllsius for the first time a more direct influence of humanism, which we see in his lyrical poems, but particularly 111 Cl few poems that are more objective and rhetorical such as the HYIIIN to Bacchus: which we referred to above, or in a few poems on ILltional subjects: the death of a famous admiral, the siege of Ostcnd.' These poems are written 1Il heroic verse and follow rhetorical rules both in terms of content and structure. They are poems of a type that had been found in neo-Larin poetry and in the erudite poetry of the french. from this point on, we find this type of poetry, which we will call 'rhetorical" derived directly from VJI'lOUS classical forms of occasional oratory; it found its way Into the volumes and, in some cases, was the only type, as III the work of the poet and pastor Rcvius, whose volume was dedicated to HeinsillS.'·) All of these tendencies come together in the definitive volume of Hooft, published by a friend of the poet and considered to be the high point of literary achievement in the first half of the century. Putting aside his plays, the pnrn.u-y type of work we find is emblems, followed by songs and love sonnets, then ,1 section of miscellany ill which there were eclogues and more love poems, hut also occasional pieces: cpirhalamia , epitaphs, dedications, laudatory poems, ere .. A kw adapt ions of psalms are included at the end, which allowed the publisher to refer in his preface to the traditional tripartite division of love poetry, moral pot:try, and religious poetry. ,,, This was not the last time that such a pedagogic

SCdliger in Il"lIand

conception played a role in the arrangement of poems in a volume.!' Nonetheless, other principles, which were more in agreement with the rhetorical tendency we have mentioned, were to dictate increasingly the composition of these volumes. Needless to say, there are exceptions to the outline we have drawn. The most significant is the volume of the Amsterdam wheatseller, Roemer Visscher, who was more renowned for his rwo charming daughters and hIS well known hospitality than for his poetry. In his volume, published in 1614, we discover an arrangement according to literary genre: there are separate sections for epigrams, enigmas, sonnets, elegies, moral poems, and desultory versc.!' These genres are defined sometimes according to a formal principle and sometimes according to a principle of content, but in any case, not according to rhetorical principles III which the SOCial function is the most Important element. They are genres rhar we find used by the Pleiade poets and French theoreticians such as Se billet, Du Bellay, and Peletier du Mans. H These are genres that we also find used by other Dutch poets of the period: the only difference m the poetry of Visscher from that of his contemporaries is its arrangement." Another exception IS the multi-lingual volume uf poetry by Huygens, who was a friend of Heinsius. An intellectual and a diplomat, Huygens wrote with equal ease in Latin, French, and Italian as in Dutch. The humanist and rhetorical tendency that I have pointed out is clear in his volume, although Huygens was far too original not to diverge when he felt the need. The arrangement of this volume, which was tile careful work of the poet himself, followed the guiding principle - putting aside the division into languages - of topic and variation.': What we do not find in any of this poetry - and this IS important when it comes to the question of the influence of Scaliger - is an arrangement according to types of rhetoric. As far as l can ascertain, it is in Vondel's edition of poems (T644) that we find rhetorical sections for the first time in Dutch poetry. These sections do not stem from literary genres of the Pleiade and Visscher but accordmg to the social function of the poems, whose content and structure correspond to the rules of rhetoric coucernmg 'loci' and 'argumentation': triumphant hymns, laudarorv poems, epirhalamia, and epitaphs. Needless to say, there are also literary genre sections, sonnets, epigrams, and songs. But the most important arrangement IS rhetorical. ,(. horn this point on, neither the formal nor moral principles will dictate the arrangement of volumes. There will be either a differentiation according to subjeers, fullowing the example of Huygens and Rcvius, or there will be a differentiation according to rhetorical genres in combination with the principle of suhjecr matter' It is clear that the change \VC have noted emerged from the influence of neoLatin poetry, hut we cannot say that it was Scaliger's Pod/CS that was the origin of this change. Nee-Latin poets had been composing this type of poetry for years. And if more people became educated and occasional poetry was written in the national language during the seventeenth century and very little love or moral poetry was being produced, it IS a phenomenon that has much more to do with the social and educational emancipation of the Dutch middle class in gener-

Rhetoric, Rbetoncians and

34 al." However, the form

III

['(Jet,

which this process takes place shows a number of

signs that indicate the influence of the Poctices hbri scptem. Let us take look at them.

closer

For some time 1l0\V we have been informed of the rhetorical nature of the rutnor genres in the POf!ticcs libri septem, as a result of the studies of DeNcef, Hatdison, and Vickers. '" The only remark I would like to add to this subject is rh.rr alongside of the epideicric we also find deliberative genres. Scaliger himself considered all kinds of congrntulatorv and laudatory forms which were trndinonallv considered to be part of the demonstrative genre, to be essentially dclihcrntivc.v This IS quite importunr because this optruon places a certain emphasis on the prmciples of argumentation as opposed to the prmciples of ornament, Oil rules more than on association, which underlines the rhetorical qualirv of his work. Of the twenty-seven chapters that he devotes to minor genres in his third book, Scaliger consigns no fewer than twenty-two to rhetorical types that are derived directly from occasional orations codified by the classical rhetoricians: from congratulations OJl the hirth of ,1 hahy to condolences for a death, all human events, as well as divine, arc accompanied by a poem, or rather a speech {because Scaliger often seems to forget that he is writing a poeticsl.t' I do not agree with DcNeet's contention that these chapters arc lacking any prescriptions concerning structure because the poet needs freedom of association and no rcgulation.!' It IS true that Scaligcr refers to rhetorical works for more detailed information on the topic" However, leaving aside the fan that the information of the subject matter of a genre often implies the definition of a ccrr.un structure, Sealtgcr provides from time to time explicit instructions about srrucrure.« All of these types are suhordinarcd to the collective genre of 'silvae", the term borrowed from Quinrihan.o After these numerous chapters, Scaliger devotes yet three more to the 'poetic inventions' 111 which he uses the terms: 'lyric' pieces, 'elegies', and 'epigrams' (including echos};" As we know, these are completely different genres that arc not defined by their rhetorical qualities, but by their poetic forms. As far as subject matter is concerned, these three genres can include almosr any sort of top.c.r And I would even go so far as to say that they represent poetic forms in which different types of rhetoric can be placed. We Me left with one last 'poetic invention' which is the most unportanr one: the epic, which Sealiger treated at the beginning of his consideration of genres, even before tragedv and comedy, It would appear that the epic finds its most complete form 111 the epic poem m the strict sense of the word, but its principles can and should be considered 'mutatis mutandis' as directional in all other genres." If I am not mistaken, Sculiger was making use of two interfering principles to define the genres: form and content. For minor genres thIS comes down to a definition according to the form of the verses and strophes, on the one hand, and their contents and rhetorical structure, on the other. Of these two principles, the rhetorical principle was perhaps not the more Important to him, still, it takes on an extraordinary Importance, nonetheless, because of its extensive treatment. It IS, moreover, this element that consritures the greatest difference between his work nnd other theoretical works of the time.

15 Let

\15

take as an example the Poeticarum institutionum libri tres of the Ger-

man Jesuit ]acobus Ponranus, who was probably quite well known in Holland.»

After the epic poem, comedy, and tragedy, Pontanus studied the following genres: the elegy, lyric poetry, the hymn, iambic poetry, satire, the epigram, the echo, and the epitaph. He used the criteria of form and of matter to define the various genres bur, with tile exception of the hymn and the epitaph, not rhetorical criteria. That was the most common approach and it can be found in French theoreticians of the sixteenth century. Ponranus evokes, when necessary, various rhe-

torical types that could be treated 111 such a manner, in particular III the chapters devoted to the elegy and the epigram; but he does not go into a detailed analysis 111 the way Scaliger docs.v' In his Poetics, which was published In 1647," VOSSIUS also distinguishes poetic forms, in the following categories: dramatic, heroic, elegiac, lyrical, dithyrambic, iambic, and epigrammatic The only genre 11e adds he defines by a rheroricnl criterion: the epitaph. He also refers to rhetorical categories for both contents and structure of all of these genres." Still, these categories do not constitute genres for him as they do for Pontanus: he does not devote a single line to their treatment, but rather refers the reader to his own Oramriarum institutio. Thus, we could have the Impression that the difference between the Poetics of Scaliger and that of hIS contemporaries consists only of his principle of organization. Paul Sellin put forth this thesis for Vossius' Poetics." But at any rate, as far as the definition of genres is concerned, the difference IS perhaps even more radical. According to Scaliger, poetry existed before rhetoric. It was rhetoric that allowed poetry to nse above its primitive orrgms and ncqutrc a more senous level. for him, rhetoric was an essential aspect of poetry, which allowed it to achieve 'adult' status. Clearly, this conception is linked to his moral perception of pocrry.v VOSSlllS 111 his De artis poeticae natura ac constinaione lihcr rejects this Scaligerian concept. For him, poetry IS not only the earlier of the two dISciplines, it also has a more specific perspective; it turns to fiction and the poetic spirit which allow it to transcend its rhetorical aspect. \\ ThIS rakes us far from the ideas defended by VOSSlllS half a century earlier; he no longer speaks of Sealigcr with the enthusiasm rhar he did in his Gratcriamni institntio. Long before Vossius wrote his major works, the specifically rhetorical prescnration of the minor genres in Scaliger"s Poetics had some repercussions on the neo-Latin poetry srcnunmg from the academic circles of Leyden. I examined about a dozen volumes published between 1570 and 1603 in which l found internal divisions conforming exclusively to the Poetics of Pontanus. That IS to say, elegies, odes, epigrams, iambic poems, hendecasyllabic poems, the only exceptions being the hymn and funeral poetry. Alongside of these groups, we sometimes find sections defined by their subject matter, 'Urbcs' for example. Hut what we do not find are arrangements according to rhetorical types, aside from the two exceptions mentioned above." Then, all of a sudden, there are four volumes in which we on quite clearly discern the influence of the I'oeticcs libri septcm. These ore the I'oemata omnia of josephus JUStuS himself and three volumes of authors who In their student days were intimates of Scaliger Jr., namely: the posthumous Poeniata of Janus

Rhetoric Rhetoricians and /'""Is

Douca jr., the Poemata of Heinsius, and the Poemata of Crorius.v There are 110 rhetorical sections 11l those volumes either. But what we do find arc the great rhetorical occasional poems, written in heroic verse that is both elegiac and lyrical and arranged under the collective title of 'sylva'. In the volume of DOUSJ jr., this section IS very short and IS followed by more traditional sections. III the three other volumes, however, we find all sorts of rhetorical poems as described by Scaligcr, followed by a few of the other categories that he treats only after the 'svlvac': elegies and epigrams, .1I1d in the volume of Heinsius, lyric love poems." \Xlc note here, the principle of the Scaligerian rhetorical dominance which represents a brief lapse in the history of nco-Larm poetry. Poets would continue to write this type oi poetry but the internal orgarllzation of the volumes would, henceforth, follow the PflTK1Plc of the type of verse iorm. I') It is onlv in Dutch literature that the rhetorical principle really determined the arrangement of volumes into various sections. Although this new ar rangemcnr appeared for the first time In the volume of Vondcl's poetry, it was none of his doing. The volume W,lS already being printed when he was informed of the fact. A young mall of the time, Ccrard Brandr, was the publisher of the volume and it W;lS he whu introduced this novelty in which we recognize the influence of Sealiger on Dutch poetry. From then on, the rhetorical principle was to be followed Jll runny volumes of poetry.

5 Developments in Sixteenth-Century Dutch Poetics: from 'Rhetoric' to 'Renaissance"

Introduction

how treatises on the art of rhetoric and poetry are found In sixteenth-century Dutch literature. One 'An of Rheroricin the tradition of the French arts de seccnde rhetorique and two small introductions to Ciceronian rhetoric are known. But that IS all there is. However, several texts do exist In which rheroric and poetics are dealt with less formally, and which concentrate on a few basic principles. These include laudatory O[ defensor)' poems, a number of pbys, a handful of introductory remarks 'to the reader' in certain publications, and one speech. These sources differ greatly in scope, neverrheles, they do form a corpus which may reveal much about the nature and aims of rhetoric and poetry, and the relation between these two arts. My analysis will trace some of the ideas underlying sixteenth-century Dutch literature and especially the way 111 which it evolved and changed; developments, indeed, which mark the transition from 'rhetoric' roRenaissance'. The material analyzed may he divided into four parts. Firstly, a number of texts in praise of or in defence of rhetoric from the last quarter of the fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth century. Secondly, two formal treatises, published in the 15 50S, one on Ciceroniau rhetoric and the other on the poetical seconde rhetoriquc of the so-called rhetoricians, marking the high point in this literary stream. However, shortly after, in the 1560s when the rhetoricians' poetry was still blossoming everywhere - and would continue ro do so for at least another fifty years - the first signs of what we know as the 'Renaissance conception of literature' appeared. Two collections of poems written under the influence of Marot, Sebillet, and the authors of the Pleiade were published in this period. In the introduction to one of these, some theoretical remarks are made on the relation between poetry and rberoric, too. All this took place in the southern Netherlands. The last section will concentrate on the northern provinces, which lagged behind until the 15805, when military, economic, and political developments resulted in the gradual displacement

" In, Heinri.:h F. Plett tcd.}, Renaissancc-P"elikIRenaissancc Puetics. Berlin/New York, Wailer de (;ruyter, '''''4 (p. 7l-91)·1

of the cultural centre. As early as the 1560s, members of the Amsterdam chamber of rhetoric took a different stand from their southern colleagues in the field of literature. Their position eventually resulted in a two-wa y antagonism towards the rradi tional rhetoricians, but soon a lso towards the Renaissance conception of poetry epitom ized by some poets connected to the new university in

I.eyden. Of course, rh is IS not the place to dea I with nil the derails of these texts. Nor will l he a ble to compare their theoretical and critical remarks with actual exa 111pies from literature, other than incidentally. What follows is, however, a broad outline of what OIlC might call the self-consciousness of Dutch vernacular literature in the period covered. This self-conscio usness may be regarded as one of the major sources for information on the development of literature.

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D""('!"I,mcnts in Six/c('nth-Ccntllry j),,/d} Poetics

2 Poems in Praise and in Defence of Rhetoric, c. 1480 - c. 1530 There are five known poems written before the J 5 30S in praise or in defence of rhetoric. The oldest IS by Anthonis de Roovere and IS dated before 14H2, the year of the author's death. The most recent is by Anna Bijns, dated 152:-1.' They are all generally similar: all are written 111 the popular form of a 'refrain', four of them directed explicitly and one implicitly against the Ignorant abusers of rherone, and all five expressing the same general ideas about what rhetoric IS. Rhetoric, one of the seven liberal arts, is a gift from the Holy Ghost, and as such is learned, but cannot be learned. This conception seems to me to be fundamentally Augustinian and must have come down by way of the artes praedicandi and the sermons of the Middle Ages, on which the famous fourth book of Saint Augustine's De doct.nnu christiana exercised such a profound influence.' The theme does not seem to appear in secular medieval rhetorical texts.' On the other hand, the similarities between De Roovere's poem and a fifteenth-century Dutch vernacular sermon on the Pentecost miracle supports the conuecnon.! This indication of religious influence is seen in other texts too. In fact, it appears to turn up III all texts on rhetoric up to 1550. But we also find it in tile names and arms of the organizations from which these texts ongmare, t.e. the chambers of rhetoric. The Bruges chamber was called the Heillghe Gheest (Holy Ghost), as were the chambers of Nieuwkerke and Audenaerde. Besides these three, no less than seven other chambers of the nineteen which attended a festival In Ghent In 1539 bore the sign of the Holy Ghost on their arms.' Apparently the chambers of rhetoric of the Netherlands may have been connected with the spiritual revival of the fifteenth century. As with the artcs praedicandi, the effects of this holy gift of eloquence are emotional as well as religious in character. Rhetoric offers peace and harmony. As for the religious side, apart from De Rooverc, who cites the Pentecost miracle, one of the other texts cites Genesis, David, and Solomon, and also (he annunciation, the transubstantiation, and the seven

sacraments." This last poem, however, also offers us a taste of Ciceronian and Quintilian rhetoric as it was known in the Middle Ages.' Man is superior to animals because of his rationality, which is expressed 111 language. Indeed, society, marnage, justice, and even virtue all owe their existence to eloquence, a sentiment which is found in Quintilian's Institutio oratorio (11.16) and Cicero's De nn.entione (1.iiJ.~ One of the other poems, that written by Anna Bijns, makes a connection with the art of music rather than with Ciceronian rhetoric. '0 So, despite their general similarity, these texts illustrate the two different tendencies which were already manifest in the medieval tradition," and which continued to direct the development of literature: a more rational, Ciceroninn tendency; and a more emotional one, characterized by the so-called musical aspects of eloquence, such as rhyme and other sound-effects.

Rhetoric. Rhdorici"'" ""d PodS

Hlason of the Brugge chamber.

3 Mid-sixteenth Century, Jan van Mussem (1553) and Matthijs de Castclcin (1555) The first book of Ciccroninn rhetoric to be published III the Dutch language was jan \'~11l Mussem's Rhetorica. It was a small hook, printed in Antwerp ill 155-3 and prob,lbly intended for the classroom." As ja» E Vanderheydeu has amply deruonsrrared, Van Musscm's rhetoric is an amalgamation of passages taken from Ad Herennium, Cicero's De nu.entsonc ,111d Quinrilian's Institntio nratoria, interspersed with examples from Erasmus's De conscrihendis cpisto/is and Dc conia remm ac uer!m!"Um.'i This is certainly a typically humanist school textbook, vimiiar, for instance, to Thomas Wilson's The Arte of Rbetcriquc. Not that it uses texts that were unknown In the Middle Ages - on the contrary, all of these texts were well known. Bur it does use the texts themselves and thar IS something of a difference. Indeed, it is hard to imagine the poem mentioned above, III w111<.:h Ciccrc and Quintilian are paraphrased, not having had some humanist antecedent. B~ rhar as it muy, with Van Mussem's booklet we have a first example of a classicai rhetorical textbook lJl the vernacular, advertised on the title page ,1S "1 must for all young rhetoricians, poets, advocates, secretanes notaries, orators and others.' In the introduction Van Musscm inveighs against ignorant poets, who think rhetoric is just rhyme and whose texts demonstrate a lack of well-ordered content.'« The obscure verbiage makes it hard to work our exactly what the writer means. As we have seen, invectives against the ignorant abuser, of rhetoric had by then also become a stock ill tr-ade with the 'rhetoricians' - a, I will continue to call the members of the chambers of rhetoric Given the characrcr of the book, however, it seems probable that the author directed his pnlernic

[)eue!o/lIl1ent; in Sixteenth-Century Du/ch Poetic>

against these rhetoricians, who, indeed, more often than not indulged Jtl beautiful rhymes at the cost of clarity. To be sure, rhyme and ornate elocution were the most distinctive features of those poets who considered themselves to be 'rhetoricians'. In French literature, the art of versification had split away from the medieval artcs pocticac and ucrsificandi at the end of the fourteenth century. Questions regarding content - ellsposition, invention, and even most aspects of elocution - came under premiere rhetorique. The techniques of rhyme and rhythm were discussed in tracts known as arts de scconde rhetrmque.:» According to jacques Legrand, author of one such tract published in 1405, rhyme is one of the rhetorical colores, but because of its diversity deserves separate treatment. ,I, In the majority of these tracts, verbal versification is considered a 'natural' form of music." 'Natural' because, according to Eusrache Descbamps in his Art de diaier (I _392), it requites a natural disposition. But being music, it IS also an 'art', a SCience, and subject to principles and rules.'" A century larer, the same idea is still found in Jean Mofiner's Art de rhetorique vulgaire (1493): Rcthorique vulgaire est une espece de musique appelee richmique, laquele conricnt certain nombre de sillabes avcc uucune suavire de equisonance, et ne se peut faire sans diction, ne diction sans sillabes, ne sillabe sans letrres.':' This IS precisely what the arts de seconde rberonque were about. They all contain more or less SImilar material, concerning vocals and elision, the number of syllables allowed in a verse, acceptable and inadmissable rhymes, and the differcur forms of verse and strophes. It is clear from an examination of the versification of the Dutch poems mentioned above that, despite the quotations from Ciccro, this was the sort of 'rheroric" with which these authors were concerned in the first place. The whole structure depends on subtleties of rhyme and elocution to such an extent that sometimes the meaning is lost, as Van Musscm suggests. However, the first to introduce the theory of the scconde rhetorique mto Dutch vernacular literature was Matthijs de Casrclcin, whose Const van rhetcnlu:n (Art of Rhetoric) was written in 154~ and published in 1555.'0 The title pages themselves indicate how different jan van Mussem's rhetoric was from that of Marthijs de Casrclcin. While Van Mussem announces his intention to discuss how to treat a particular subject in an orderly and eloquent way, Casrclcin promises 'all sorts and forms of verses, as well as everything else regarding the art of poetry'. He was obviously inspired by the french rhetoricians. Indeed, he names Molinet as one of his influences," and as far as his recbnical instructions are concerned, the same topics are discussed as appear in the arts de seconde rhetorique. Here, too, we find the principles of rhyme, all sorts of rhyming schemes and different forms of strophes and lyrical genres. Moreover, allusions to opinions of MoIinet and his colleagues are constantly made;'But the differences between the French tracts and Castelein's impressive study are striking. Not only IS his discussion of these subjects more elaborate than ;\·10liner's and often more critical, but more topical questions, as for instance on pur-

Rhetoric, Roctoricrans ,md Foet,

VVachtwel TJlot. Caftrltin.

Rhctunca.

ism, are dealt with, too. Moreover, a far greater quantity of examples is given to illustrate the various forms of strophes. As a result, about three-quarters of the

book can be regarded

a collection of verses. For the most part, the subject

matter is biblical, mythological, and historical, i.c. 'fiction', or, as it was known at the time, poetrie. jacqucs Leg-and writes in 1405: 'Poen-ie est science qui nprcur a faindre et a fere fictions'." And, like everybody else, Casrelein is of tilt same opinion: 'Rhetoricians', he says, 'are called "poets" when they invent something".« Indeed, poetrie comes under invention and is part of the premiere rhdoriquc. To quote again from Lcgrand: 1... 1et est cesrc science moult necessaire a cculx qui vculenr beau patler, et pour rant poerrie, a mon advis, est subalrerne de rcthoriquc." Hut independent collections of fiction, mostly mythological, called [ahsdaries or poetriee, also existed. In French humanist and rheroricisr circles of around r 400, a poet who used this sort of subject matter was known as ruruellus poota, poetc modeme.w Casrclein presents himself, or is presented by his editor, as an 'excellent modern poet', and this was what WClS meant by the information on the tide page: "every-

43 thing regarding the art of poetry'. His art of rhetoric contains not only an ars

versificatoria, hut also a poetric, r.c. everything a rhetorician would need to know from the premiere and seconde rhetoriquc, for, as he writes further on in his work, 'rhymesters, that IS rhetoricians, are musicians and poers.:" Still more important, however, is the way Casrelein links this to classical rhetoric. The CO/1St van rhetoriken contains 239 theoretical strophes. Of these, 139 are devoted to technical matters of the sort referred to in the arts de seconde rhitorique and it is in these strophes that references to MoJinet et/m suis occur." Incidentally, there are also references to Cicero's De oratore, Quinnliun's lnstitutio oratoria and Horcce's Ars poetica.w Of the remaining 100 strophes, the first 2.8 and the last 7 offer a rather extensive poetical introduction and a short peroration to the work. But nearly all the others - no less than 65, that is between a third and a quarter of the theoretical part of the book - ate formed by way of quotations from De cratore, the lnstitutio oratorio and the Ars poetica, which are to their turn interwoven with references to the art de seconde rhetarique. '0 Together, these strophes form three uninterrupted passages. The first, immediately after the introduction, deals with what r call the 'general philosophy' of elocution: the existence of different styles (sweet, subtle, sharp, strong, difficult, dear), the labour involved, and so on. Then, after a long series of technical questions, a second, rather short passage follows about pronunciation. And towards the end, after another series of technicalities, there is a third, even shorter passage with some final remarks. Caste1ein obviously knew his claSSICS. However, this is not a manual of classical rhetoric. What he offers the reader here IS a handbook for the modern poet to the context of classical theories about elocution. For this, he has selected passages from classical texts according to then relevance to his literary conceptions. This can be seen from the choices he makes. The passages from Quintilian are taken from book VlIl on elocution, book XI on pronunciation, and books I, [J and XII on the education und personality of the orator, and the passages from Cicero's De orsrore from books 11 and 1I1 on the same subjects. This also applies to Horace's Ars poetica, from which passages are taken mainly on the labour the poet puts Into his work and a few thoughts on the question of decorum. Virtually nothing on disposition, invention, or argument, nothing also on technical aspects of elocution. As a matter of fact, Castelcin says as much when he writes: Here you will find no exordiums, positions, divisions, narrations, argumenrations, egressions, signs, partitions, ornarions, examples, amplificarions, sententiae, conclusions or imitations;' , Even the classical precepts concerning elocution are not found here, because as soon as it comes to technique, Castelein turns to the principles of the seccnde rhetcrique, of versification. These principles traditionally embrace all sorts of genres, including tragedies, comedies, and epic poems.v These are also discussed from the point of view of style and versification, or otherwise as poetrie, that is fiction, the only really structural remark being that the grammarians traditionally held that comedies

44 should have J happy ending and tragedies should be about disasters." Nowhere does Castelein's intention to place his a rt of versification within the classica 1 rracl*tion achieve more startling results than in his discussion of the minor genres. According to him, ballads should be equated with the epigrams of Martial, Virgil's eighth eclogue 15 an example of a refrain, and the odes of HOTJCC offer a model for the made I." All of this shows that Castelein calls upon the classical tradition to shore up the status of modern poetry, but not in order to find out what modern poetry should he. Things change, he says several times, and something new is invented each day. \1 As J. modern poet, he feels that the essence of poetry - which he calls rhetoric - lies in an eloquence which may be defined m classical Ciceroni.tu tcrrns.v' but In fact exists by the grace {If the 'musical' strength of versification. In my opinion, this point, which is stressed in the introduction, is the essence of the whole work. Casrelein opens with a story about Mercury, who appears to him m a dream and urges him to write his book. Mercury, however, besides beIll!'; the god of eloquence is also the messenger of the gods. He comes, not on his own behalf, hut IS sent by Apollo, who presides over the Muses and lives on Mount Parnassus. ," Further on, this theme IS taken up as Casrelein exclaims '0 joyful rhetoric, descended from heaven', and again when he writes 'God sends tht Clwst for all our sakes'. In between, he specifies the philosophical content of this 'rhetoric' as, 111 Cicero's words. an all-pervading virtue holding everything together. " From the above, one would be forgiven for thinking that Castelein based hIS ideas 011 the Platonic theory of inspiration. ThIS IS far from unlikely, smcc traces of this theory Gin also be found 111 the French humanist and rhetoricisr circles. ,.} Castelein, however. links this theory to the traditional idea of the Holy Ghost as the msprrer of rhetoric. The influence of Erasmus, who was one of the first to equate the two forms of inspiration, may be detected herc.t'' Casteleiu makes this combination only once. I think that, for him, Apollo was a more suitable fosterparent of poetry than the Holy Ghost. Matthijs de Casrclein's hook is certainly impressive and unique. His (onccprion of poetry IS not new, it IS the well known recipe of versification and fiction, flavoured with a dash of inspiration, that IS, the latest fashion in scccmde rbeturiuue. What is new is the way in which he conceives the 'art' of poetry'. He loins the pnnciples of the arts de sccondc rhetoriqtce and the fictional marcrin l of the poctrics with the classical philosophy of eloquence in an all-embracing handhook for the modern poet. Casrelein himself was deeply aware of this uniqueness. 'It is all lI1111C,' he writes towards the end of his work, 'I have not stolen unyrhing. Like Hcrcules I play with my own stick."!' And in doing so, he clearly filled a need, for lip to Hi 16 no fewer than six editions of his work were published, the two last editions {16t2 and 1(16) III the northern Nerhcrlands.» Nevertheless, hIS influence was limited to the lesser reaches of literature. For, again and again, new developments eclipsed the sort of poetry he dealt with. It is Ironic that as early as the first - posthumous - edition of his work, the editor introduces the book listing the famous French rhetoricians, including Du Bellav

and Ronsard.c-

/)('I'r!U!JmCl1fs in

Sixtcentb-Cenmrv Dutch 1""'lies

4 The 1560s: Eduard de Dene (up to I56I), the Antwerp Plays (1562), and Lucas D'Heere (IS65) During the first decade following the publication of Castelein's book little seemed to change, Poems and plays ID praise and In defence of rhetoric continued to be written. For example, in Eduard de Dene's Testament rhetoricael, a huge work completed in [561, we find rune long and short poems on rheroricians, rheronc, and the like. In some of these the influence of Casrelein is clearly traceable, despite a somewhat stronger emphasis on 'poetry' and Ciceronian rhetoric, and a somewhat lesser on versification. The texts are not explicit enough, however, to allow many conclusions to be made." The poems themselves are typical of the art de scconde rhetorique, In r 56 r , fifteen chambers of rhetoric met in Antwerp. However, few new ideas came of this. The chambers had been invited to give in their plays an answer to the question, 'What is it that most arouses man to the arts?' All of the plays were published the following year by the Antwerp bookseller Willem Sylvius.e Of the fourteen plays subrnirred - the organizing chamber did not competeno less than ten were quite conventional: God, by way of the Holy Ghost, had created the seven liberal arts, incorporating rhetoric, which included medieval Christian rhetoric as well as poetry;" This was the medieval conception, dating from before the time that the poets of the secondc rhetcrique so closely linked poetry and music.!" Of these ten plays, only the chamber the Christllsnoghell (Eyes of Christ) of Dicsr made any acknowledgement to more recent developments by ascribing the opinion about the Holy Ghost to Erasmus and Plnro.:" But, on the whole, even the references to Ciceronian rhetoric are often so general that one hesitates to ascnbe them to first readings. The influence of the artes praedicandi still seems to dominate. An only slightly divergent opinion is formulated by the chamber of Zout-Leeuwen. This play defines poetry as the practical realization of rhetorical speculation, an idea that goes back tu the Aristotelian philosophical termmology of the Middle Ages.« Only three plays might be called modern. The Lischh/oeme (Water flag) of Mechelen also saw poetry as the practical result of rhetorical theory, but it cornbined this idea with a quite modern Platonic theory of inspiration, in which the passionate love of beauty and truth induces man to poetry, while poetry itself is seen as the art which embraces all other arts.':' Plato and Lucian are mentioned. Here, also, one would expect to find the source material in the works of Erasmus. A similar although less elaborate conception of inspiration was formulated m the play by another Antwerp chamber, the Gcublceme (Marigold), written by Cornelis van Ghistelc.!' This play is the only one of the whole collection which includes a theory of poetry as seconde rhitorique, together with one of rhetoric as Ciccronian rhetoric. The two are sharply distinguished. Van Chistclc's description of rhetoric as the faculty by which rationality and virtue are realized on earth, as well as his conception of the rhetcr dcctus, are expressis oerbis derived from De oratore.v Poetry, 011 the other hand, is defined as a form of music, aroused by divine inspiration. Here, Philo and Ovid arc referred to." Finally, the Hereutals chamber bluntly stated that rhetoric and poetry were two completely

Nh{'/oric. NhetoricialIs and /'''<'15

different things and that SUCL't:SS 111 either furm was a question of natural talent. Cicero was never successful in poetry, nor Virgil in rhetoric.v In the event, the theme of rhc competition faded tu produce any exciting new opinions, and being the centre point of a gigantic public festival, it was probably never meant to do so. The fact that the Rome (Rose) of Louvain won the first prize with a highly convennonal solution, supports the theory that other quuhties were decisive," The plays written to welcome and to bid the guests farewell by Willem van Haechr of the organizing chamber, the Vio!ieren (Violets), do not do much to change this impression, They are less formal in their argumentation, hut they seem to represent an opuuon dose to Casrelein's, in which rhetoric, poetrie. and music are fused. Thus far, nothing more modern than a slight tendency towards the emancrpat ion of poetry and the citing of Platonic inspiration as its prime cause has been found, EVI.:n Van Chisrele, known for hIS translations of several classical plays, does not much more than defend the position taken by Casrcleiu, although he does separate rhetoric and poetry more rigorously. There is, however, one text yet to be discussed. This has a more progressive appearance. It is the so-called description of the grand entrance of the chambers Into Antwerp featured in the edition of 1 S62. The text is anonymous and may have been written by Wdlem van Haecht, or, perhaps, by the publisher himself, \Xlillem Sylvius." It is nut so much a description as a manifesto, proclaiming the excellence and prosperity of Dutch poetry on the Parnassus of Antwerp, where now the Casralian fountain plays and the Muses live. Moreover, it expresses the hope that soon we too will have our Pcrrarch and Ariosto, Marot and Ronsard.v It is not so much the ApolIininn metaphors. as the names of the famous Italian and french Renaissance authors which may have served here as a clarion call for a new era. If, indeed, it was ever intended and recognized as such. After all, that remains the problem, nothing IS explained, and how arc we to know which associations were attached to these names?' However, three yl'ars later, the new French literary fashion, not of Ronsard, but of Maror and Scbillet, was well known to l.ucas D'Heerc. In the preface to his collection of poems Den Imf ClI bocnngaerd dcr poesicn (Garden and Orchard of Puet rv, 15(,,\) D'Hecrc cites Ciccro's De Arclna on divine inspiration.") He claims to imitate Latin, French, and German authors and stresses that poetry should he separate from rhetoric. He then continues with a passage III defence, 110t of rheroric, but of the chambers of rhetoric, which he sees as institutions for rhe encouragement of the use of the vernacular. But this IS quite a different point.v-

The Northern Netherlands: Amsterdam Versus Leyden

The relrmnn between poetry and rhetoric is subject to two parallel, yet CO!lnecred, developments: poetry emancipating from rhetoric and rhetoric rcassurnlllg its original Ciccronian content. It is remarkable that the more poetry was

Deoelopments in 5;ixteeillh-Cenlllrv Drnch Poetics

conceived of as an independent entity, the more it made use of the insigbrs of this classical, highly argumentative form of rhetor-ic." The paradox is only superficial, for there are of course two, or even three versions of rhetoric here; first, the art of versification as a part of medieval rhetoric; second, its offshoot, the art de seconde rhctorique; and third, the Ciceronian rhetoric of the humanists. ThJS distinction is not always sufficiently realized. For example, when Sebillet or Du Bellay says that rhetoric pervades a poem as it does an oration, this cannot be said to indicate that the old fashioned rhetonc was still alive." The contrary IS true. But then, there is a difference between usmg rhetorical techniques and proclaiming rhetoric to be the essence of poetry. This is what happened in the northern Netherlands, where some authors renounced the growing independence of literature in the name of the new Christian-Ciccronian rhetoric as developed by humanists such as Agricolu, Era srnus, and Melanchthou.o' In the vernacular, one of the first, if not the first, was D.V. Ccornherr.v-

As early as 1550, m the Introduction to his first play, the Ccmedie van de riiclseman (Comedy ahout the Rich Man), Coomherr put forward hJS own intention to teach nothing but the truth against the 'poetic' (r.c. mythological] fabrications of the rhetoricians, or rhymesters, as he calls them.v' Much later on, probably III the I58os, he was to formulate his opinion JJ1 an even more antagonistic way. Again, he refused to use mythology, 'the pomp of today's rhymesters' as he called it, hut now he rejected all the rules of the seconde rhetorique on rhyme and rhythm, the fixed number of syllables, the verbiage, and the artful forms of strophes. The real skill is to use words that fit that which they are meant to represent, and to teach virtue In doing so. This JS the only way \J1 which to be a smcere rhymester, for there is no reason to disapprove of rhyme as such.oElsewhere, he says that rhetoric is about how to express oneself as succinctly, clearly, and truthfully as possible, and does not consist 111 useless ostentatious verbosity."

Coornhert was the first Dutch writer to promote the use of humanist rhetoric in poetry, and by actually doing so himself he had a profound influence on the poets of the Amsterdam chamber, the Eglentier {Eglnnrinel." Contacts between Conrnhert - who was born in Amsterdam, bur had always lived elsewhere from the age of seventeen - and the Amsterdam poets were only established after the J 580s. Long before that, however, sometime m the 15oos, the new, ChristianCiccronian conception of rhetoric seems already to have been expressed by the chamber's leading poet at the time, Egbert Meynerrsz."v It appeared in a refrain in defence of rhetoric, which should be placed in the same tradition as the poems of De Roovere and others, discussed earlier. Meyncrrsz's text even bears a close resemblance to the one I mentioned in that context. Here, too, a paraphrase is given of what Quintilian said on the emancipating role of rhetoric in the social development of mankind in his Institutio oratorio 1I.l6. And here, too, this classical conception IS combined with a Christian one, visualizing rhetoric as a gift of God which enflames the heart. The difference lies in a somewhat more argumentative explanation of the way in which this divine rhetoric works. It informs people and in doing so leads them to regret their sins and to atone for them.

Moreover, it teaches us about the rationality that underlies most of God's commandments. Meynerrsz also makes an allusion to theatre plays when he suys that rhetoric moves the heart by actually showing living persons. All things together give one tile impression rhar Meynert sz' poem IS to be placed in tile movement of Christian rhetoric as propagated by Emsrnus - and
J)('I'i.'!<,/mWIII$;II Sixli.'('nih-(:CIJIIfn' /),,/,/, f'nd;"

with Meynertsa's text, this poem should also be placed in the humanist Christian tradition. But a far more explicit allusion to Erasmus seems to be made than III the earlier poem, when Spiege! identifies rhetoric as the kind of wisdom which has the appearance of foolishness. It is this statement which forms the gist of a aoa-Iine poetical treatise, rlo! van rethorica (In Praise of Rhetoric] by Spiegel's friend and fellow chamber member Roemer Visscher." Visscher's aun IS to argue thur poetry and rhetoric arc one and the same, and, on the whole, he builds his argument on the same themes contained in Spiegel's New-year song. The traditional ones, already known from the beginning of the century, are: rhetoric IS the root of all other arts, is of divine origin, WJ.S known to Moses, Isaiah, Solomon, Job, David, and others, as well as to the classical authors; it IS the light of truth; and it teaches virtue. Bur there arc also the Erasmian themes: it unmasks hypocrisy and speaks up against tyrants; and rhetoric is to be compared to Jesus Christ, for 11ISt as Jesus died to save us - which certainly was the wisest instance of foolishness that ever took place - rhetoric has to become a fool to make us wise."The most remarkable aspect of this poem is the way Vissclier connects rhetortc to this Pauline and Erasmian foolishness. He introduces the personage of Momus, the diminutive, Irritating critic of the gods, here, however, not presented in his negative role, bur as the pcrsonificanon of critical rationality, who unveils deceit and serves truth. Visscher took this Momus from Pandolfo Collenuccio's fable Alitheia; which he himself translated and published UJ Dutch." But the connection with rhetoric is Visscher's own, and nothing perhaps indicates more clearly the Ciceroni an, or even Agrico1ian, quality of this Christian rhetoric as favoured by the Amsterdam chamber. Visscher may have written this text to provide an alternative to what was traditionally looked upon as rhetorical poetry, that is the poetry of the rhetoricians. And he might have done this 111 defence of his chamber's position, for a few years earlier, an attack had been launched against the rhetoricians by one of hIS friends, the city-secretary of Lcyden, jan van Hour. In a satirical text written around T 578 and mainly directed against a popular Roman Catholic pnest, van Hour had argued that poetry and rhetoric were two different things, and with heavy irony he had mocked the rhetoricians' way of rhyming complicated, Incomprehensible and often scandalous verses." Some time later, he repeated his opinion in it speech directed to what he referred to as 'the supporters of Latin and Dutch poetry at the new leyden university." This second text contains an elaborate historical argumentation concerning the difference between the two disciplines, and it concludes with a declaration that he himself would go on '>'.'fiting psalms, odes, sonnets, epitaphs, epigrams, and love-poems as he had been doing now for two years. Indeed, Van Hour was one of the first Dutch admirers of the new Renaissance poetry, as was D'Heere in the southern provll1ces, whose work he churned to know. In one of the few poems of his hand left to us, he in" vokes the complete Renaissance canon: Petrarch, Boccaccio, Dante, Ariosto, Bcmho, Cavalc*nti, Sannazaro, as well as Ronsard, De Bai'f, Des Autels, Desportes, Peleticr du Mans, jodelle, and Gamier."

These atrack s were mOST probably not directed against the humanist C011ccpnon of poetry so favoured by the Amsterdam poets. Fur Instance, III the poem mentioned above, van Hour names southerner-s such as Peter Heyns, \X'illem van Haccht, and l.ucas D'Heere, hut is also positive about Coornhert. However, to Visscher; being a member of the EglentlCr, Van Hour's opinions may well have represented a challenge. Up till then, the rhetorico-poctical ideas of the Eglentier hud not been formulated as such. Perhaps it was thought time to express them III a more explicit way.

fill' translation of (his text 11,\, bc-cn made p""ihlc by" grnnr from Philip,·lnlern"lion,,1 B.V.

6 The Amsterdam Chamber De Eglentier and the Ideals of Erasmian Humanism"

In the development of Dutch Renaissance literature, the Amsterdam 'chamber of rhetoric' De Eglenner (The Eglantine) played a leading part. However, the extent

of De Eglentier's achievements has scarcely been analyzcd. Only the chamber's publications in the field of popular education - a grammar, an introduction to dialectics and an introduction to rhetoric, all in the vernacular - have attracted learned attention. But even these educational efforts have not, in my opinion,

been sufficiently recognized as moments in a wider, ideologically defined programme. In this essay I will try to give an impression of what this ideology may have been, restricting myself to a small number of texts and to a comparatively short, but crucial period of the chamber's existence, approximately the first decade after its reopening In J 578. First, however, 1 shall briefly outline the political situation In Amsterdam around that time and the years immediately before, because it IS there that we have to look for the causes that gave rise to this ideology. In 1567, after years of political as well as religious disturbances, Amsterdam was put under the direct control of the Roman Catholic government in Brussels. Thousands of inhabitants, including some of the most prosperous, were exiled or left the country of their own accord. Often, their possessions were confiscated. The local chamber of rhetoric, De Eglentier, was closed down, and one of its mosr prominent members, the merchant Egberr Meynerrsz., was condemned to death on account of his Protestant convictions. He died in prison the day before he was due to be executed. Until early in J .)78, the town was politically and culturally dominated by a pro-Spanish, strictly Roman Catholic magistracy. r Under these circ*mstances one would expect a strong reaction when in 1578 things at last changed and the refugees returned. Instead, as far as De Eglenticr lS concerned at any rate, we get a message of reconciliation, of mutual peace, tolerance, and freedom of conviction. [ will now take a closer look at this ideology, and at the means by which the leading members of De Eglentier Intended to put it into practice. From the very first days of the re-established Eglenner, Hendrik Laurensz, Spiegel must have been one of its most influential members. Among his papersc a series of the chamber's New Year's songs have survived, of which the first " In, Theo Hcnuans and Rcinier Salverda (cd,.), horn Rc!'"ll to RIcin'S. C"ll"re and History oi the Low Countries 1-,00-1700. !nl('matlonJl and hlt~rdisciplirlary Pcrspecuvcs, London, Centre tor Low Countries Studies, [99., (p. ,all·, l8).

!<.heluric. !<.iJet"ri<·ialls ami rOelS

dared 1578, but, for reasons [ cannot enter II1to at this moment, gOlllg hack to 1579 - gives voice to the Ideals mentioned above, but J11 the same breath deplorcs their absence. The New YeM will bring peace and happiness after so much sadness, it says, and peace will bring commerce and prosperity back to the town. But while conflict and strife seem to be leaving the country, hatred and envy are still burning. Revenge and hatred will bring war once again. Alas, those who have been stnvtng to live in freedom now refuse to grant freedom to others.' Exactly the same points were elaborated by Spiegcl's fellow member Laurens Rcucl in ,1 lengthy ballad on the treaty by which Amsterdam III 1578 went over ro the su.!e of the Prince of Orange, the so-called Satisfaction. Here too - and this rime formulated III a positive way - the central Issues are peace, which will hring hack trade and prosperity, concord and friendship, freedom of conscience and religion, and the rejection of feelings of hatred and revenge.' Of course, these points are ill accordance wirh the spirit of the treaty, but nevertheless, the insistence on concord and on the need to rise above hatred and revenge art revealing. TI1IS is even more striking in Read's case than in Spiegel's, because ReM'1 had been one of the exiled Proresranr leaders; he was also a brother-m-law of the unfortunate Fgberr Meynertsz., on whose death he had written J hitter poem m which unc finds no feelings of tolerance at nll.' Rcacl's ballad on the 'Satisfaction' bears no reference to De Egfcnrier, hut in several other poems of his the chamber does appear, They were written MOUllU the S,lI11e time, with peace and love as a dominant theme, just as in Spicgel's New Year's songs for the chamber. I believe that here we touch upon J central pomr III the chamber's ideology. All of these poems and songs have a distinctly religious content, stressing the adoration of the Child and the imitation of Christ; this is, of course, due primarily to the fncr that they were written for Christmas and Sew Year, bur, ,IS we shall set, it also reflects rhe specific views of the chamber. There are two poems that offer further information about what the chamber thought and felt during these years. The first is another long poem by Re'lel, written III answer to the question '\Vhar folly man clings to most persistently'. It was read in the chamber's gathering on 2(; December 1580. Apparently, the chamber bad organized ,I competition on this theme, Rcacl's answer declares that self-conceit is man's most persistent folly because it stays with him until the hour of his dentu, while all other follies will disappear in (hie course because of their own disagreeable consequences. All supposedly wise, intelligent, and learned people have been suffering from this folly, and so they violate the honour of Cod, upon which everything depends. \ A rather Paulinian, if not Erasrnian, srntemenr.

The other poem IS the chamber's New Year's song for IS80 by Spiegel. It is a song III praise of rhetoric. This discipline is described as the fountain of all other arts, a gift from the Holy Ghost in which wisdom and eloquence are conjoined, known to Moses, David, and other pillars of rhe church and honoured by the Ancients, a beacon of truth and an incitement to virtue. The song ends with an appeal to De Eglentier to turn to this arc" At this pomt, the two poems certainly do not seem to have much In common. The only correspondence occurs when Spicge! says that rhetoric, however WIse,

Th" Amsle,·d"", (:h"JJlhcr De Eg/elllier end the Ideals "ll::ra5",jt/JI H",,,t/1!/!'JIJ

5-'

is seemingly foolish and, therefore, subject to mockery. This wise foolishness is the counterpart of the foolish wisdom mentioned by Reael. Here, we find the gist of the chamber's opinions, as I will demonstrate below. Bur first, I should like to focus on the kind of rhetoric promoted by Spiegel. At first sight, Spicgcl's poem stands III a century-old tradition. From the fifteenth century, so-called rhetoricians in the southern Xethetlands had been writing poems in praise of what they called 'rhetoric'. This 'rhetoric' was defined as eloquence and rhyme and chaructcrixed by a predilection for complicated lyrical forms and for sophisticated stylistic devices and sound effects. ln short, it was what the artes versi(icatoriae of the Middle Ages called 'poetry' and it certainly had nothing whatsoever to do with classical - Ciceronian, argumentative - rhctoric. From Medieval poetry it had also assumed the qualifications of being of divine origin and of speaking the truth, qualities that were now linked with the Pentecost miracle, in which the Holy Ghost had descended upon the apostles and inspired them to speak in many tongues. The only possible link with classical rheronc is that III this period it also assumed the qualification of being the root of all other arts, a position which in Middle Ages has been assigned to philosophy. Here we find, perhaps, a reflection of the Humanist Ciceroruan reva!unrion of rhetoric to the level of philosophy. Bur even in those scarce msrunces 1Il the second half of the century where there are references to Cicero and QuintilIian and where a distinction is made between poetry and rhetoric, there IS norhmg to indicate any knowledge of what rhetoric is really about." In Spiegel's case, things would he very different a few years later, and I have no doubt that already at this time his traditional words had a true Ciccronian mearung. In 1584, De Eglenticr started the nnprcsstvc undertaking of publishing J grammar (T 584), a handbook on dialectic (1585), and one on rhetoric (1587) in Dutch. There IS no doubt that Spiegel acted as principal initiator and author of this most probably collective project." The rhetoric is a short but truly humanistic, Ciceronian rhetoric, in which argumentation plays as important a role as eloquence and li1 which the art of dialectic IS argumentation's backbone. Rhetoric and dialectic together form J. unity of a kind, as initiated by Rodolphus Agricola and made popular by Melanchrhon.v There is no room and no need here to enter mto the specific relations between these publications of the Amsterdam chamber and their possible sources. Suffice it tu say that the chamber was in line with modern North European Christian Humanism. More Important to my argument are the objectives which led to this position being taken. The publications themselves are quite explicit ahour this. As stated m the innoducrion to the Art of Rhetoric, chambers of rhetoric are vernacular schools for grown-ups to study all sciences and arts. Rhetoric itself is the art of speaking both eloquently and with good sense, in accordance with whatever arguments are available. Dialectic IS proclaimed 011 the title-page to be ,111 instrument to tell truth from falsehood, most useful and necessary in all discussions. And in an introductory letter tu the project as a whole, Coornhert emphasizes its importance by stating that most troubles, conflicts, and disturbances originate from an unclear or faulty way of expressing one's meanmg.« I thmk we may conclude that in these publications, the Amsterdam chamber insisted on argumentation and eloquence as vehicles of

54 knowledge, reason, and truth, these being the hest means to further concord and peace III the community. The reason why Spiegel in his New Year'> song praised rhetoric in traditional terms 1S that he too felt that poetry should include not only the objectives, but also - and this we do not find among any of the older 'rhetoricians' - the techniques of classical rhetoric. In his treatise on rhetoric he says as much: on the title-page he recommends his hook to all 'rhymesters', and in the preface he re" fcrs to the rraditionul task of tile chambers as being that of 'rhyming". TIllS view IS confirmed by ,1 second poem in praise of rhetoric by another member of De Fglenricr, Roemer Visschcr; It IS also in Roemer Visscher's poem that we will find the solution to the 'wise foolishness' Spiegcl ascribed rather enigmatically to rhetoric. Roemer Visschcr was not only a fellow member of De Eglenticr, but also ,1 close fnend to Spiegel, as 1S testified by the poems they wrote hack and forth. ISesides, his name is used as that of one of the inrctlocurors in the chamber's grammar, which was written 111 the form of ,l di;dogtle. His 'Praise of Rhetoric' is an elaborate, zoa-linc poetical treatise, divided into 34 strophes of (', lines each." BasiC~11Iy, ir voices the same ideas as Spiegel's New year's song (which has only cigbr seven-line strophes), namely: rhetoric IS rhe root of all other arts, it IS of divine ongm, known to Moses, Isaiah, Salornon, job, David, and others as well as to the Classics, it is the light of truth and teaches virtue, it IS the Chnsrinn fool that makes us wise. But Visscher does a few other things in addition. First of all, he states, at the ver y beginning 01' his text, that poetry and rhetoric arc one and the same. \X-'hat he means by this 1S obvious when one remembers the influence exercised 011 this and many of Visscbcr"s other poems by one of th~ favourite textbooks for reachlllg classical rhetoric, the famous Agncola-Lorichius edition of the PWXYIllIIiISIllata by Aphrhonius. Secondly, he explall1s rh a t rhetoric serves truth and virtue through critical rationality, this last notion personified by the little god ,\!OI11L1S, who was constantly criticizing everybody, even [eve. In recent years, much work h,IS bee» done, especially by l.is,\ jardine, on the development of dialectical rhetoric as inaugurated by Agricola and made popular by Hegius, EraSI1l11S, Mclunchtcn, and by the commentaries on Agricola's texts hy Alnrdus Aemsrelred.nuus. In this type of rhetoric, the logical W'ly· of rhll1kll1g of scholasticism was put aside and replaced with a more dialectical, as it were probahillstic method, which W;lS not based on certainties hut tried to reach the truth by way of critical reaS0I1111g, by rationes contra rationes,'> To me this seems to come very close to what Visschcr proclaims ill his poem to be the grst of rhetoric ..Alardus fully deserved to be called Aemstclredarnus: l1C stayed 1Il close contact with his birthplace throughout his life. It was there, of all places, rh.ir he gm hold of the collection of Agricola 's papers thnr W,lS III the possession of the Amsterdam merchant Pompeius Occo. And his pupil and friend Cornelius Crocus was a teacher at one of the two Amsterdam Latin schools for more than twenty years. So it may not be too far fetched to say that Visscher indeed knew ubour this method of Agricolu, which Erasmus had fostered as the way to revive the Philosophia Cbristi: \

The Amstadmll Cbaml.er De L)ilentier mid tbc Ideals oiErasnnan Hurnaninn

To support my proposition, I will now give a global analysis of Visscher's poem. This may help in understanding the structure as well as the substance of its argument. I hope it will make quite clear how rhetorical Visscher's poetry is, how humanistic his rhetoric and, above all, how Erasrnian his purpose. The structure of Visscher's 'Praise of Rhetoric' is the normal one for a rhetorically constructed laus of an art. The exordium (str. 1-5) gives arguments to stir the listeners' artenricn and benevolence, and raises the question whether the suhjeer is to he called poetry or rhetoric. The author declares that this makes no difference and that he will praise his 'rhetoric' in a rhetorical way. After an 'invocation' of Mnemosyne and the Muses (srr. 6), he offers a carefully constructed argumentation in the hest rhetorical tradition. First, he formulates the propositirm which is to he proved, split lip 1I1 its different components (Hr. 7- J I). These strophes define the general characteristics that constitute the laudability of this art, that IS the by !lOW well-known statements that rhetoric is the root of all other arts and a spark of God's truth. After this, the arguments for these statements are presented. In doing so, Visscher sticks to the normal/oci for the praising of an art, dealing with Its mvcntors [str. 12.-[5), its usefulness [str. 16-24), and its honourableness; he counters the possible objection that rhetoricians (rbar IS poets) occupy themselves with poetic dreams, farces, and fables (str. 25-26). Rounding off with a peroration, or epilogue, in which the decisive points are summed up and a final emotional appeal to the listener IS made, the poem comes to all end with the stereotyped ropes that 'It is too late' (str. 31-.34). In comparing this structure with the example of an Eloquentiae encomion 1Il the Agricola-Lorichius edition of Aphthonius, we find some striking similarities: the exordium, the two starernents which constitute the proposition itself, the objcction and its refutation, as well as the epilogue, arc all there. Of course, l.orichius's example IS much shorter and more global, and it lacks most of the arguments that are used to prove the given proposition and constitute the bulk of Visscher's text. But this fan IS outweighed by some similarities In content: the argument used in the exordium to induce benevolence, namely 'To praise a great thing up to the level of its greatness is virtually impossible', is the same as rhat used by Reinhard Lorichius for the epilogue; the statements that make up the proposition are the same; and both texts refer to the same mythical instance of Orpheus bringing harmony among men - a myth used in Antiquity (for example by Horace) to defend poetry. '4 As for the arguments themselves, the identification of poetry with rhetoric becomes apparent 111 the way Visscher presents the locus of the inventors. The biblical instances he mentions (Moses, Isaiah, etc.] are taken from the famous De inoentotibus rerum by Pulydorc Virgil, where they are named as the inventors of poetry." The fact that to Visscher rhetorical eloquence is indeed the crowning quahry of poetry appears most dearly in the refutation. The objection that rhetoricians supposedly occupy themselves wirh poetical dreams, farces, and fables, is refuted in two ways: firstly, hy pointing out that Christ did the same thing when he spoke in parables, and secondly, hy postulating a kind of development: rhetoricians do write love poems when they are just beginning to write, then

Rhelori,., Rhetorici"", ""d PO('i,

they turn to philosophy, and finally, it IS rhetoric that shows them the right way, which is the way of the Scripture. This !Jst sr.nemenr hrings us to the argument Visschcr uses to prove the usefulness of his subject: rhetonc conquers all tyranny, injustice, and deceit. The argtuueut that rhetoric sets free, because it teaches how to speak up against tyranny, was taken from Era smus" AjJO!ihthegmatil, which, m its turn, quoted Dcmosthenes." With regard to the conquest of all forms of injustice and deceit Visscher calls rhetoric the caretaker on earth of Momus, the critic of the Gods. In most sixteenth and seventeenth century poetry, the little god Momus IS vilified because of his everlasting urge to criticize. However, some authors regard him ,15 tbe protagonist of truth. This view originated in Lucian and was developed by l.eobnmsra Alb~ni 111 his satire MOlJlll$ () if principe and continued by others, meluding Pandolfo Collcnuccio whose table Alitbeia was translated mto Dutch by Roerner Visscher himself.'- Here, Mornus is portrayed as the personification of critical rationality, defending truth und unmasking hypocrisy and deceit. By linkmg Rhetoric with this 'vlornuv, Visscher affirms its argumentative aspects III J way that ties it closely to the method of Agricola as explained by Alardus. All this leaves one final connection to be established. It IS not only critical rhetoric which IS related to truth. Parallel to it, Visscher names the child Jesus. At ,1 lurur stage, just after the refutation, and when he is on the verge of proving the honourableness of hIS subject, Visscher again mentions Jesus, this time In rermv of l'aulinian foolishness. Just as jesus died to save us, which was the wisest msrnncc of foolishness that ever took place, rhetoric has to become foolish to make us wise. Apparently taken from Er.rsrnus" Moriae enccnmtm; this starcmcnr may also be linked to views held by Melanchthon and his pupil Matth.tus Dclius, who published a poem De artc iocandi 111 1555. Heinz-Cunrer Schmirz has shown how nnpcnranr this conception of 'arguing in J childlike w.tv" IS to Humanist cduc.rtioual philosophy." It is through the Christian paruhlc that Vis" schcr in his refutation links this foolish rhetoric to the fiction of farces and fables. (The 'poetic dreams' he mentions refer, I believe, to the love poems he says rhetoricians often write when they are voung.) At the same time, he establishes III this paradoxical way the honourableness of rhetoric, which makes us wise by reaching virtue und paving our way to heaven. Wc are hack with Spiegel. Critical rationality and Pnulinian foolishness as apogees of wisdom appear to form the essence not only of Visschcr's rhetorical conception of poetry, hut also of Spiegel's. If rhis IS true, Visschcrs poem may he seen as formulating the Amsterdam chamber's literary programme. Its striking slTndarity WIth rhe ch;lInb~r's New YlO.H'S song as written by Spicgc! Justifies rhis conclusion, Sll1CC New Year's songs, we may assume, had a programmatic function. l.ookiug nr Spicgel's preceding New Year's song and at Rcuel's cntrv for the chamber's 1580 competition, it is not difficult to see the link between this programme and the city's political situation nr that time, which called for ,1 plea for Chnsriun foolishness in terms of the abandonment of all self-conceit.

7 Rhetoric and Civic Harmony in the Dutch Republic of the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century"

A good four hundred years ago, the Ncrhctlands underwent a period of drastic social and political change. Because soveretgnry was at that time In the hands of a foreigner, the king of Spain, the emerging rebellion soon took on the character of a national struggle against a foreign aggressor, a struggle which would evolve into a war lasting eighty years. Bur during the first several years, optruons were divided on the home front, and there was a very real chance of civil WM. This was certainly true of Amsterdam, which at that time was already not only the richest city of the Netherlands, but also the city where a small governmg elite remained stubbornly loyal to the king and the Roman Catholic faith. Only after its harbor had been blockaded for several years, and virtually all its trade had been lost to other ports, did Amsterdam in I 57!l JOlll the side of the Prince of Orange: of the rebellion and the reformation. It was the last city of Holland to do so. Precisely in this Amsterdam claims were made for the importance of r hcroric in the process of reconciliation, a course actively pursued immediately after these decisive events. Playing an important, if not key role in this process, were a number of prominent writers who together formed the local chamber of rhetoric, "De Eglcntier" (The Sweet-brier, or Eglantine).'

To elucidate the position of De Eglentier at that moment it 1S necessary to grve a short overview of the literary and cultural situation lT1 the Netherlands - both in the south (present-day Flanders) and in the north (the Netherlands of today) - in the second half of the sixteenth century. From the end of the fifteenth century this scene was dominated by orgamzarions known as 'chambers of rhetoric", which provided citizens who loved literature with a forum for writing and reading their poetry, and especially for creating and producing plays and tableaux vrvnurs. As such, they fulfilled a function of considerable social importance on festive occasions, such as religious proccssions, triumphal entries of royal persons, the public announcement of treaties, etc. Classical rhetoric, as practiced hy the humanists writing III Latin, exerted little influence on these vernacular poets, their name notwithstanding. The poetry In: l'crer l.. Oesreneich and ThoEl1'" 0. S]oJne, Rhetoric" "'()('d . .'itlJdi,· ill Hi,tori.-"I,,,,d Modern Rhetori,- in Honour of Heillrich r: 1'I"tl, J."iden, Brill A~atll"J11i~ 1'1Ibli,h"". I<)'J'J.

Rhetoric Rhet(Jrici",,, and I'oet,

they wrote was not built so much on argumentative and stylistic means of peras on sound effects produced by rhythm, rhyme, and sranzuic forms based Oil rhyme; 011 'beautiful', resonant words, and Oil an abundance of Bihhcal, mythological, and historical allusions, often vested with allegorical interprcrations. Their art, III other words, represented everything that the French poets called the "secondc rherorique' - the second rhetoric - to distinguish it from the cbssicll, or first rhetoric. Quite probably, then, the 'chambers of rhetoric' found throughout rhe southern and northern Netherlands owed their name to this idea of a 'second rhetoric'. \X"hat should also he noted, however, is that the Netherlandish 'rhetoricians">. as I shall refer to them - vtry likely drew their ideas not only from the French "rhetoriqueurs', but also from the late medieval 'arres praedicandi", the arts of prtaching. One indication of this indebtedness IS that they Viewed their rhcrotic as a gift of the Holy Spirit, frequently alluding to the miracle of Pentecost when the apostles were endowed with gifts of language.' As IS commonly known, the classical Ciccronian, Quinnliun - art of rhetoric, with its pronounced argumentative thrust, found its way to the Latin schools of rhe Sixteenth century. And from there its influence radiated out into Neo-Latin poetry. But the sphere of vernacular literature proved much more resistant to such influences. There, the poetics of the 'seconde rhetorique' very likely functioned as a stronf-; barrier. This is not to sav that 1Il the circles of the so-called rhetoricians no references were ever made to writings such as Ciccro's De inventirme and Quintiliuu's Lnstitutro uratorid, works which were well known 111 the Middle Ages, On the contrarv, Bur such allusions rarely involved more than a general statement maintainIng, for example, that human beings arc superior to animals thanks to r,ltionality which expresses itself In language; or that institutions such as marriage, law, or even society as a whole and all forms of virtue owe their extsrcncc to rhetoric. They did not, however; look to these authorities for concrete ideas on how to organize and write their literary works. Even the author of the most important handbook of the movement, Matthijs Ut Castclcin, who in his Art of Rhetoric (COllst l'all rhetarikm) of I 555 makes extensive reference to Cicer o's De inuenticme and to Quintilinn, limits himself to what I would (all the general philosophy of rhetoric and the training of the orator. In hIS work, too, the factual and technical remarks always concern such matters as choice of words, rhythm, rhyme, and construction of stanzas, which he presents - and this IS really unique to Castelein - as the contemporary alteruativcs for such classical poetic qualifies as genre and meter. Bur more substantive aspects of classical rhetoric Castelein meution s only 111 order to stare with so many words that they will not come up for discussion in the Art of Rhetoric. (;radll,lll~', however; more interest developed. In Antwerp in 155.~, jan van Musscm published the first Dutch-language rhetoric 'taken from the ancient, renowned rhctoncians and orators, such as Ciccro, Quintilian and others'. Recommending his work not only to persons such as clerks, lawyers, and secrctarrcv, hut also to 'rhetoricians and poets', he lashes out against 'the unlearned poets who shamefully abuse rhetoric and think that their unintelligible attempts

SLlaSIOn

Rtrctonc and efl/ic H'lr!lI<wy filii,,! Dutch RejJublic

at rhyme are rbetoric'.' In Chent, a short time later, the poet/painter Lucas d'Heere published a volume ill which he included a poem constructed as a 'paradox', one of the favorite rhetorical exercises assigned in schools.' And in the northern Netherlands at about the same time, the leader of the Amsterdam chamber of rhetoric, Egben Mcyncrtsz., wrote a poem In praise of rhetoric HIS allusions to the classical humanistic aspects seem to go further than the usual generalities, and are reminiscent of statements by Mclanchthou and Erasmus: rhetoric moves people to feel sorry for their sins; it sparks feelings of remorse in the heart; it resrrams princes and quells rebellion.' Bur the first writer who went beyond an incidental application of the argumentative rhetoric of the humanists, and who 1I1 fact made it the foundation of his Dutch-written literature was the Amsterdam born poet Dirck Volckerrvz.. Coornhert. As early as 1550, when Coornhert was in his late twenties, he had made ironic remarks about the versifying and the allegorical constructions of the rhetoricians, and with an appeal to Cicero he had articulated his own poetic goal as 'docere cum delectnrione' for the sake of 'nurhenric truth'. Years later, in 1582, he explained that 'beautiful words, artificial sranzaic forms and rhymes, metrical constraints and ostentatious use of mythology' did not interest him, and that his only concern In writing poetry was 'to rhetoricize artfully', in the sense of rendering the subject adequately - the beautiful ,1S beautiful and the ugly as uglyand 1I1 a realistic way, for the advancement of truth and virtue.' The context 111 which he mentions Cicero and uses the term 'to rheroricizc' already indicates that the method he had 111 mind was that of humanist rhcronc.as revived by humanists as Rudolph Agricola, Philip Melanchthon, and Desiderius Er.ismus. In this perspective, it is perhaps not wholly coincidental, then, that the definitive I '\"39 edition of Agricola's De int-entione dialectica had been published thanks to the mediation of the Amsterdam millionaire merchant p*rnpejus Occo hy the scholar Alardus of Amsterdam, a native of the northern Dutch city who was at the time residing in Lnuvain.:' In any case, un analysis of Coornhcrts works supports the conclusion that his rhetoric has a distinctive 'Agticolan' character, with its argumenrations based on statement and rebuttal, on pro and contra reasoning, in which prohahilitv arguments and refutation strategies play a significant role." One of the most telling examples is his use of the genre of the paradox, mentioned earlier. The paradox - that IS to say, the proof of a true thesis which is, nevertheless, at odds with generally accepted opinion, the communis (Jf/ifl/o - had long been popular as a rhetorical exercise in schools, as a scholarly Joke, and also as a manner of giving vent to cer-tain truths in ,1Il apparently innocuous way. In <111ctenr times, to mention only some of the hest known examples, Polycrates had written a work 'In Praise of the Mouse' and Lucianus one 'In Praise of the Fly', and 111 the fifth century A.D. Bishop Svncsius of Cyr ene did not consider it beneath him to produce an 'In Praise of Baldness'.« But Cicero had upgraded the genre. In his Paradoxa stoicomm he had used it as a vehicle to articulate philosophical and ethical insighrs of stoicism. His theses were, for example: 'that vir-

Rhetoric Rlretoric*ms and Poets

rue IS enough to make one harry', 'that only the wise person IS truly free and the foolish person IS a slave', and 'that only a wise man is rich', According to Cicer o, the paradox WaS the best means for achieving insight into truth, because It W;lS the most Socratic way of argumentation." His own paradoxes arc accordingly masterpieces of argumenrdtive discourse. Later, hUIll<1I1lStS produced works of this type as well. The most famous cxnrnplc rs, of course, Eracrnus' I'r.use olFo!ly. But the genre was particularly VJlucd as J school exercise which would, at the same time, yield a moral lesson." An example can he found in tile volume Paradoesi published in 1543 by the Italran Ortensio l.ando, ;1 work which the well-known french publisher and hurnamsr Charles Estiermc translated and printed ten years later as Paradoxes. cc sent prop()S contra fa commullC ()1Jil1iol1: debaticz. ell [cmne de declamations (0rensrs: pour exerciter les ieuncs csnrits, CII causes diffici!es. In close Imitation of Ciccro's paradoxes, l.ando dealt with Issues such as 'it is better to he poor than rich', bur also more topical questions, such ,1S 'women arc mono excellent than men' and 'prisnn is a salutary thing'." This last topic was also grvcn paradoxical treatment by Coornhert 111 his Pr(/lse o( Priscsn; written between September and December of 1567, when, as all assisranr to the leader of the rebellion, the Prince of Orange, he was himself in prison 111 The Hague, The poem argues in exemplary fashion that If ethical pnnciples arc taken as the point of departure, impnsonmeut IS in every case - wherher for capital crtrncs or for debts, whether the prisoner is guilty or innocent - 'desirable and pleasant'. This wise insight, however, In no way prevented the author from submitting a request in December 1567 for freedom of movement within The Hujzue, or from using that freedom to flee to Germany 1Il April of 156~ when hIS prospects were looking bleak. A decade later, Coornhert would find himself 1J1 a position to exert ,1 great deal of influence Oil the Amsrerdam chamber De Eglcuticr. Then, it would also become clear that his 'wondcrspracck I'woncler statement' or 'strange saYlIlg'Jas he called his paradox - W;lS not an incidental work, as it W;lS for l.ucas d'Heere, bur that it marked the beginning of something resembling a program."

III the meantime, a great deal had been raking place on the political from. Already III 15117, the same year that found Coornhert in prison, Amsterdam, in the wake of reformist unrest, was placed under the direct aurboriry of the Catholic government 111 Brussels, which was in turn controlled by the Spanish king. Thousands of citizens began to flee the city, leaving ,111 their possessions to he confiscated.' ; 1~\1t one of the persons who did not flee, despite his reputation as a top figure of the 'new religion', was the leader of De Eg\cntier, Eghert Mevncrtszoon. On the second of March the following year - even before the armies of the Prince of Orange invaded the Netherlands 11l Apnl, milklT1g the Revolt ,1 rcalirv. nud before Coornhert made his escape to Germany from The Hague - Meynertszoo» W,lS arrested. He was interrogated again and again, tortured, .1I1d finally condomned to donrh. The night before his execution, he died. That was on H Octoher, seven 1l10llths after he was taken pnsoner.':' His brorbcr-in-lnw Laurcns Re-

Rhelori" and Civic Harmony ill the Dut,-I! Repu[,/i,-

ael, who had left the country much earlier, wrote a long puem on the subject in which he did not hesitate to name two of the most prominent mayors (Amsterdam had four at the time) as personally responsible for Meynerrszoon's death: There's nothing wrong with naming these traitors of the town, Joost Buijck and Siruon Cops played false and brought him down. They're the ones who ordered that this poor lamb be caught, driven by their cruel thirst, they wanted only blood." De Fglentier; which despite the Roman Catholic inquisition had been for years a bulwark of the Reformation, was also banned. For a period of eleven years, the literary life of Amsterdam was dominated by products, impeccable from a religious point of view, written in Latin by the rectors of the Latin schools of rhe city. Even the lecture, of more free-thinking Catholic authors, such as Erasmus, were forbidden. This situation lasted until 1578, the year in which Amsterdam finally took the side of the rebels;" It is known that De Eglentier was re-established fairly soon after the tumabout of 1578. Leadership then fell mco the hands of the merchant Hendrik Laurensz. Spiegel. This may, at first, seem strange, considering that Spiegel, as far as we know, never broke with the Catholic Church. It is in fact most significant, and in keeping with the ideals professed by the newly organized chamber: reconciliation and harmony, tolerance and friendship. Spiegel himself had composed a Song for the New Year 1578 which included the following wish: In this new year

May God grant us his peace, And may we all together Promote rranquility.'> And his fellow chamber member, the Calvinist Laurens Read, brorher-in-Iaw of Egberr Meynertszoon, who in 1574 had still burst out with lines like the followmg:

o murderous Amsterdam, full of blood-thirsty hounds, Aldermen, bailiffs, mayors and councils, Papists hungry for blood, have you not devoured enough, Is your belly not yet full with widows and orphans

11" - now Read challenged the citizens returning from exile as follows:

Bring love with Y"OU, the force that can bind all, Discord will be smothered and vanish by itself, Harmony will grow despite the hounds of hell, As we love one another [... 1" Since quite a few members of the new city government joined the chamber, it seems likely that this was a matter of deliberate cultural politics, intended to elurunnrc the differences which had evolved, and to propagate harmony and solida rity among the citizens. This in itself was not unique to Amsterdam. A similar course was followed in other cicics.' For protcstantism may have won out in name with the success of the revolt, hut thur IS not to say that one religious group could now dictate how things should be run. More and less strict Calvinists, Mcnnonircs, but also Catholics and people like Coornherr who no longer wished to affiliate themselves with any organized church, all had to find ways of getting along together. In the years 15::;0-) 5;10, the ideological backdrop for this cultural policy was formed by a general, evangelical Christianity reinforced by the ethical and educarional concepts prevalent in humanism. Ideas about social ethics developed by Ciccro and Scnccu, which had been studied In the l.arin schools of the humanists ior more than a century, were now made accessible to everyone 111 Dutch translations." And the same was true of techniques developed by the humanists, again on the basis of the classics, to promote communication among citizens and the dissemination of ideas. Within the shortest time there appeared, under the auspices of De Eglcnticr and probably written by Spiegel, a Dutch grammar (I 51Ll-J, a Dutch dialectics (J 5S.'i) and a short Dutch rhetoric hand hook composed In rhyme (1 S87)."' All this was standard humanist Lire. But the revolutionary thing was that it was now offered in Dutch and was, therefore, availahle to everyone who could read. According to De Eglcntier, the traditional chambers of rhetoric had to rcorgamze rbemselves as 'general vernacular schools'. Schools, that is, for the gener,11 educarion of the people. The people? Well, cl! least the estabhshed middle cLtss of mcrchantx, businessmen, shopkeepers and skilled craftsmen - people who did not attend Latin schools, but received rbcir professional rr.umng In the 'French' or 'commercial' schools, or in practical apprenticeships - were now seen as reqUlfIllg an education aimed at cultivating .111 awareness of social responsihiliry as \\'ell ,1S communicative skills. In other words, an education which W;lS rrnditionallv provided hy the Latin schools for members of the r-uling class. And all that ltl the service of CIVIC harmony. It was no mere window dressing when Coomhcrr wrote in the preface to the Eglenricr's grammar hook that 'most discord, conflicts, and confusion are caused by speaking III a poor or obscure rnanne-': Just as it was not for nothing that the book on dialectics IS described on its title page as '<1 guideline for distinguishing truth from falsehood, bemg lOXCC[" tionollv lIseful and necessary in all disputlOs'.'; The mflueuce of Conrnherr on the program launched by his younger friend Spicgclwns considerable. This IS evident not only from the preface to the gram-

Rhcwric and Cil/ie Harmony ill the Dutcl! Repu/;/ic

mar book, which includes an appeal for continuing the entire trivium project, bur also from the follow-up to his paradoxical poem in praise of prison. The Eglantine circle is known to have produced six such paradoxical poems besides that of Coornhert. Spiegel himself wrote one on dancing (a form of amusem*nt violently condemned by some Calvinist ministers of his time). Another member of De Eglenrier, Roemer Visscher, addressed the topics of being in love and of getting Jilted, and a generation later the young poet Gerbrand Adriaenszoon Bredero wrote one poem in praise of riches and one III praise of poverty." That some of these came in pairs indicates that they are poetic and paradoxIC;l1 vananrs of the broader genre of the declamatic. This genre, which had been cultivated since antiquity, was aimed at teaching students how to employ arguments pro and contra; in the case of the humanists, this often resulted in the writing of two separate arguments, one for and one against the same proposIrion.» But the most important paradoxical poem was the one composed by Roemer Visscher, In Praise of Rhetoric, a work I shall discuss shortly. All these poems are made up of 25 to 30 six-line stanzas with the same rhyme scheme, aabccb, and all of them allude to each other. Reason enough to view them as related. Visschcr's poem constitutes an exception in so far as it does not deal with a concrete moral question such as dancing, love, or greed for money, hut moves instead on ,1 meta-level. It sets forth the philosophy underlying the other poems. One mighr ask whether it really should be called 'paradoxical' in the sense that the word was understood in rhetorical theory, namely presenting arguments for a true thesis which IS at odds with gencru l opuuon. For who would not consider rhetoric, the showpiece of elite humanist education, as something praiseworehy-v The first sign that rhetoric could have been viewed as something paradoxical by the poets of De Egjanner IS found IJ1 the New Year's song for the year 1580, written by Spiegel in his capacity as head of the newly organized chamber. On the surface the sung presents little more than traditional statements made by rhetoricians all through the sixteenth century, ideas derived at least in pan from the 'artes pracdicandi' of the late Middle Ages: rhetoric is a gift of God, radiarJJ1g out from thc Holy Spirit; Moses and David were practitioners; it IS a torch of truth; a spur to virtue. '0 But one sentence deviates from the standard list and suggests that everything should perhaps be interpreted \11 terms of a new context. The sentence reads as follows: Being wise you seem foolish, that is why you are mocked by many.> In other words: you are something paradoxical. But how so? The solution to this riddle is found in Visscher's In Praise of Rhetoric, and it is precisely this paradoxical quality which informs the entire program of De Eglentier. Visscher hegins his poem with an exordium JIl which he makes the customary remarks about the praiseworthy nature of his subject and insignificance of hIS

Nhet()ric. RI,,-tori<'ialls ami Poets

own capacities. He then, In equally conventional fashion, tells what his poem IS nhnut: poetry or, as the case may be, rhetoric. For - and this is his point - they are one and the same thing.!' Coornhert had made a similar statement ltl passuu; around this same theme. Rut 11l Visscher's poem the statement nor only appears ill explicit form, it is itself the subject of the poetic argument which follows. The entire poem is devoted to confirming that the two are III fact identical. Visschcr consistently talks ubour poetry, but at every POint it IS clear that he understands poetry in a humanistic/rhetorical sense. Thus, at the end of his exordium he appeals to Mncmosyne and the Muses for help, indicating that poetry IS indeed his mam concern. Also, In the subsequent argumcnt - organized, incidentally, along strictly rhetorical lines - he repeatedly mentions verses and singing, and the strings of Orpbeus that brought the cornmuniry together. What is more, he further elaborates his first point, which COIlccrns the hcntor due to this art and for which he cites the familiar thesis that rhetoric rs a gift of God, with the examples of Moses, David, and the prophetsnames which in this case, however, are drawn directly from the passage about the inventors of poetry found in Polydorus Vergilius' Dc rerum inoentorihus.v But hIS second point, concerning usefulness, makes it dear that the divine arr in the last analysis owes ItS honorable status to its argumentative nature. Its most essential significance lies in its function as mouthpiece for the truth, which it openly declares 111 the face of any and all suppression by tyrants. The argument IS drawn from a statement by Demosthencs, cited in Erasrnus' Afwphtheglllata; there, however, the word used IS not 'declare' but 'convince' - a difference whicb, given Visscher's further development of this thesis, could well be signifiC'll1T. Rhetoric makes truth visible, according to Visscher; by means of criticism.i- This seems to me to be a prime example of an argumentative function. In making this POl11t, Visscher alludes to the minor deity Momus, god of criti(ism. In most sixteenth and seventeenth-century authors, MOlllUS appears only ill a negative light, as a crinccster. Bur a few writers, following the example of l.ucinnus. view him as the champion of truth. This idea was worked out In the fifteenth century by Leonbartisra Alherti in his satire MOfl1us 0 if prinape, a work which was banned at the time, and by Pandolfo Collenuccio Jl1 his fable A/itheic/ (Truth), which was adapted by Visscher himself in his poem Baltic 1)(;tu'een Truth and Appearance." Ernsmus also has something to say on the topic in one of his 'adagia", where he writes that there is no more useful a god than ~1011111S, although at present earthly jupirers have expelled him and listen onlv [0 Eurerpc (the Muse of music)." It seems to me that these words, more than .my others, show the ex tent to which Visscherv use of the Momus theme gives expression to Coornhert's idea that poetry, too, should not be focussed on musicality, as it was in the rhythm and rune based lyrics of the so-called rhetoricians, as well as in the Neo-Plnronic Renaissance poetry just becoming popular at the newly founded Lcydcn University. According to Coornhert, 'true' poetry should foster truth and, 1Il its wake, vu-rue. and should, therefore, be founded on realistic representation and rh cronl'<11 argumentation. ,I,

Rliclorh and Ch'ir

nWIl()IJ)'

inthe Dutch Rel",blic

Since Momus, Visscher writes, was too busy settling quarrels in the heaven of the classical gods, he appointed rhetoric as his representative on earth, for the purpose of exposing all faults and wrong behavior. tyrants who violate Justice, biased Judges, heretical preachers, corrupt money lenders, false witnesses, soldiers guilty of crimes, usurers, unreliable merchants, matchmakers, pimps, bankrupt persons - they all are unmasked. In short, rhetoric is the binding force of the social order, Teaching what life's rewards consist of, Namely in ruling one's own family with reason, In living together peacefully with strangers and neighbors, And judging everything with understanding and wisdom. Notable here is that this is not being said about moral philosophy but about rhetoric. Bur the poet goes even further. In the last part of his argument, Visscher presents rhetoric as the earthly equivalent of Christ himself: As the only son of the eternal Father Died for all of us together To free us from eternal death, So she [rhetoric] is patient though despised, She duns the [fool's] cap and plays the fool, To make the whole world wise. An odd pronouncement, this seems, lJ1 fact, a paradox. The first thing we can note is that Spiegel's words about rhetoric come to mind here: Being wise you seem foolish, That IS why you are mocked by many. And if we look a little further we also find that Erasmus, near the end of his Praise of Folly, repeatedly makes allusions to Christ by citing Paul's epistles to the Connrhians. The POl11t made IS that Christ, although he participated in the wisdom of his Father, in a certain sense himself became foolish by taking human form, so that, as someone equal to men, he could meet them in their foolishness, just as he himself became sin in order to save us from sin. He did not, however, wish to save the world in any other way than through the foolishness of the Cross and through the mediation of the Apostles, who were uneducated, simple people. p Erasmus' words here recall the Socratic-Pauline teaching of the docta ignorantia propagated by Nicholas of Cusa H1 the fifteenth ccntury.v Another sixteenth century adherent of this reaching besides Erasmus was Sebastian Franck, the German translator of Praise of Foily. He had in 1534 pur together a book with paradoxes from the Bible which, as the title page announces,

fifi

Rbctoric. Rhetoricians dmi Poet,

are unbelievable and untrue for all flesh, yet contrary to the opinion and estimation of the whole world arc certain and true. He had previously, he reports, himself coined the term 'Wunder red' or "wundcrwon'. The DUKh translation, which appeared around 1565, renders this as 'wondcrredc' or 'wonderwoord', and it seems quite likely to me that this W,lS the dirt-er source of Cootnhcrr's 'wondersprook'l'wondcrspraak' of I 56!!, especially since we know that he was well aquainted with Pranck's works in gencral.> But neither Era-anus nor Prunck mentions a connection between paradoxical religious teachings and rhetoric How, then, should we understand the link which Visscher makes between the two? I believe that the answer can he found in the work of another adherent of the docta ignorantia doctrine, the most skcpticul of them all, Heinrich Comelius Agrippa vun Nerresbeirn, whose declamations form the subject of a recent hook in English hy Marc van der Poel.« In I no, Agrippa had published in Antwerp a work entitled De mcertitudine et i-mitate scicnuarum et artiuru, atque excellentia uerhi Dei dcdamatio (011 the nnccrtamty and FiIllity of the SCiences and arts, and the excellency uf Gods W(Jrd). It's subtitle reads as follows: 'teaching with good and firm evidence how to reason against the common opinion on many matters'. This is, therefore, also a collecrinn of paradoxes, paradoxes in the humanist ciceroni an sense of true propositions, be it that they run against the - generally false - common opinion. At the beginning of this book, Agrippa links the simplicity of the gospel ro ,1 tvpc of rre.lSoning which follows naturally from the subjects themselves, and, in doing so, takes a stand agamsr elaborate elocutionar y skills. He writes that he shallulldertake to argue his cause

r... 1nor with cliched arguments drawn from a superficial consideration of the facts, but with very forceful reasons deduced from their essence, and not with the cunning eloquence of a Demosthcnes or a Chrysippus. Such eloqutnce would turn out to be a cause of disgrace for me as an exponent of Holy Scripture, if I, like a man who fancies flattery, were to pursue false cloqucnce. l-or It IS fitting for one who professes Holy Scripture to express himself ill the real sense of the word, not to ornate, and to aim at the truth of thmgs, nor at the embellishment of style." Further on, Agrrppa emphasizes ngam that this reasorung of truth needs no ornament or finery:

simple and

For it has often been observed (as Cicero says in his speech for Arclua) that nature has a greater capacity for praise and virtue without learning than le.nning has without uarure.« Srriklllg here IS the simil.n-iry with Coornhert's idea that 'artful rhetoricizing' consists of representing things as they are, for the sake of truth and virtue. But Agrippa gives that function the extra dimension of a Socratic-Pauline irnitatio Chrisu, The Apostles are still, as in the Middle Ages, the ones who displayed the

Rhetori,- ,,,,d Cil'i,- H,Ir!JI(wy in the DIIt,-h Re/mM;,-

most exemplary combination of truth and rhetoric. But instead of being depicted as persons inspired by the fire of Pentecost to express the harmony of heavens in the harmony of rhythm and rhyme, as the second rhetoric taught, they are now simple people who say plainly, as 'fools', what has to be said. In this sense, Visscher's Praise of Rhetoric can indeed be interpreted as a 'paradox', a 'wonderspruak'. Conceived in terms of the Pauliman fool, Visscher's rhetorical poetry serves the same goals as Coornhert professes, and does so 11l a similar way: it IS a rmrror for lay persons, a reprimanding VOice, a bridle for heresy, a sermon, spectacles for the prince, and a spur to virtue and honor. He closes with the following lines - an adoption, incidentally, of a passage 111 Ovid's Metamorphoses (1.1.2.7- 145):

Loyalty has been dead now many a year, Honor has departed, and is far from here, Justice has fled from violence and force, faith is a prisoner of Hypocrisy, Love lies on both cheeks, sleeping soundly, But Rhetoric alone is standing its ground. Only rhetonc manages to hold its own strife.

III

the present state of turbulence and

Yet there is one point on which Coornhert and Visscher seem to differ, namely, their interpretation of the concept of 'the light of reason'. For Coornherr, as for Agrippa, this W;lS the light of correct insight - or even of conscience - given by God to every human being. C:oornherr distinguished the seat of this onsight, 'higher reason', from natural or 'lower' reason. Agnppa made a similar distinction between reason and heart.o But Vivscher very likely shared the ideas of Coomhert's younger friend, Hcndrik Laurenszoon Spiegel, leader of De Eglcntier.

Spiegcl did not make any such distinctions between different types of rationality. For him, the 'light of reason' was nothing other than natural human reason, which by reflecting on cause and effect can achieve insight into truth and falsehood, good and evil. He and Coornhert corresponded extensively Oil this matter, mincing no words about their respective positions. As Spiegel represents it, rhetoric - conceived 1Il the sense ascribed to it in Agricola's De inoenticme dialectica, namely as dialectical argumentation applied to concrete issues - rakes on even clearer contours as God's critical representative on earth." The rhetoric manual Spiegel wrote for De Eglenner in 1587 seems to confirm this interpretation. It is a highly argumentative rhetoric, III which the diSCUSSIOn of elocution accounts for only SIX of the total .:q pages. Even more telling, perhaps, is the striking absence of allusions to classical authors. All the examples of stylistic figures and metaphors are taken from everyday speech and Dutch hfe.« What he and Visscher were propagating was no small thing; rhetoric, the discipline of 'unlearned' critical rationality based on the light of reason given to

Rhetoric Rhetoricia", alid Poets

every human being, was conceived as the sole foundation of truth and morality, and, therefore, of a peaceful society, III view of the social turbulence III the young Republic of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands at the end of the sixteenth and Into the first decades of the seventeenth century, the unportuncc of

this ide;ll cm hardly he overestimated.

8 Helicon and Hills of Sand: Pagan Gods in Early Modern Dutch and European Poetry"

In 1663, when Holland's greatest poet,

JOOS!

van den Vondel, published one of

his few tragedies on mythological subject matter, Faeton, he added a preliminary Justification: Nobody will think that I will reinstate pagamsm. My only purpose is the fur-

therance of morality by presenting this beautiful fable un the stage as a mirror of pride. For the old Egyptian and Greek mythological stories cover a threefold knowledge, of history, of nature and of human morals ... I remember the late professor Vossius saying, that if he should write a commentary on Ovid's Metamorphoses, it would prove tu be the most learned book ever wntten. '

will not enter into Vondel's exact sources for this opinion.' Suffice it to say it might have sounded a bit old-fashioned. More important to my argument is that it was also an antagonistic opnuou. Vondcl's statement, introduced by historical reference to the Christianization of the Low Countries and backed up, not only by a reference to the learned Vossius, but also by a quotation from the fourth century Christian apologist Lacranrius, must be regarded as a rather militantly formulated choice of sides in a literary conflict that had already divided the Dutch literary world for over a hundred years. It was a conflict between classical and Christian humanism, and 111 that perspective it IS most telling that VondeI, the most biblical of all Dutch playwrights, spoke up in support of mythology with all the authority of his - by then - unsurpassed prestige. But it was also a conflict between realism and Idealism, nationalism and internationalism, umversalism and historical thinking. All these aspects were interwoven, and changed positions with regard to each other in the course of time. If not an interplay, there certainly was an internal struggle going on in this regard between the sacred and the profane III DUTCh literature. As far as I know, it started with Dirck Volkertsz. Ccornhert. \ Coornherr had formulated his objections to the mythological 'fabrications', as he called them, of the rhetoricians by around r 55o. Because his objective was to teach, he had no use for them, only for truth as learned by biblical parables.» His opinion is " In; Hden Wik"x e.3. kJs.), Sacred and Profane: Secular ,,,,,I DC1'otimwlllltcr/'!"y i" b>rly Modern British !.lter

Rbct oric, Rbetaricians and Poet,;

7°

reminiscent of Erasmus, who in Ciccranionus (I52g) had underlined the inapproprinreness of classicale xarnples and images for modern, Christiall purposes: \'(!herever I turn I see everything changed, I stand on a different stage, I see a different theatre, a different world. What am 1 to do? I am a Chnsrian and I must talk of the Christian religion before Christians. If I am gOlllg to do so in a manner befitting my subject, surely I am not to imagine that I am lIVing III the age of Cicer o, ... and scrounge n few poor words, figures and rhythms from speeches which he delivered in the senate? And somewhat further on: What shall our meticulous Ciceronian do? ... Shall he for the Father of Christ say 'Jupiter Oprimus I\laXll1111S', for the Son, 'Apollo' ,.. ? Shall he for the Queen of Virgins say 'Diana'.. ) That would he most unlike Ciccro. Instead, one should speak as Ciccro would havoc done if he had lived today 'as a Christian among Christians".' The comparison with Erasrnus" dialogue is the more apt because in his text, Coornherr had mentioned Cicero as the master of all eloquence. Many years later, in 1582, C:oornhert broached the question once more. Referring to the words of Virgil: Me, too, the Pienan maids have made a poet: I, too, have songs; me also the shepherds call a hard, hut I trust them not," he declares himself alien to the Pyeridian family of the Muses and his poetical work alien to the elevated language of Mount Parnassus. H~ will not use such pompous adornments as provided hy the names of Cercs, Bacchus, and Venus, but speak in his own Dutch language about real, truthful issues. True artfulness lies in an adequate verbal representation of reality, visualizing things as they

are. Coornhert's moralistic aim is ;15 outspoken as ever. Nevertheless, one has the rmpresston that this time, the general purport of his remarks is secularizcd. It seems to he the Dutch language that, more than Christian belief, is incomparihle with the USlO of pag,lTI deities. Coomherr's younger friend Hcndrick Laurensz. Spiegcl is srillmore explicit on this point. In his extensive didactic poem 'Mirror of the heart' tHert-spiegels, written around the turn of the century, he proclaims the 'Durchness' of Dutch literature. 'Should a Dutch poet be acquainted with Creek and Lann, while it was here the first pastors lived?' he asks his readers, pastors being traditionally considered the inventors of poetry.' And he continues: "Mount Parnassus is too far away. There is no Helicon over here, only dunes, woods and brooks'. In his choice of words explicitly referring to Coornhert, he too advocates writing in Dutch about truthful issues. He does not srrivc for exotic pomp either, nor after the favour of the Muses, living high up Mount Parnassus."

/-fcliwl1 ,md l1il/,

of Sa"d

Especially interesting is Spiegel's further explication in the fourth book of his work. There, Apollo tells how he and the Muses have transported truth, originally hidden under the cover of fable stones, from Mount Aratar, vra Brahmans, Egyptians, Jews, Greeks, and Romans, to Italy and France. But these days, authors such as Coornhert have made them desire to settle in Holland, the conclusion being that everybody should write in their own language because the Muse's have no preference on that pomt.'> For Spiegel, the time for mythology had gone, nor so much because the relevance of the pagan gods had been surpassed by Christian truth, but first and foremost because of the rise of a national Dutch culture. In the centuries to come, these two arguments continued to alter" narc 1Il the larger argument agamst mythology. But before we enter mro that, we must first direct our attention to the defenders. Dutch rhetoricians, especially those in the southern provinces, had derived their predilection for mythological examples, for 'poetry' as they called it, from the French 'grands rheroriqueurs'. Soon afterwards, the new Renaissance mode, as realized in France by poets such as Sebillet, Ronsard and Du Bellay, had been introduced in Ghent and III Antwerp by Lucas D'Hcere and jan van dcr Noot respectively. Like their French forbears, they justified the use of classical myrhologr with a nee-platonic theory of inspiration and harmony in which the image of Mount Helicon, inhabited by Apollo and the Muses, played a central role." Antwerp had already been proclaimed as the seat of Parnassus in the 1562 edition of the plays that had been performed a year earlier at the famous festival of rhetoricians at thar city.o Three years later, D'Heere claimed the same honor for Ghent.» With the great emigration stream to the northern Netherlands from about J 580 on, these notions were introduced into Holland too. Their most important champion was D'Heere's former pupil, Karel van Mander. V,l11 Mander expanded the neo-plaronic conception of mythology with a threefold - historical, natural, and ethical - significance as formulated by the Italian myrhographcr Natnlis Comes and the French rrunslaror of Ovid, Barrhferny Aneau.« In the introduction to his own explication of the Metamorphoses of Ovid, published in his Schilder-boeck in 16°4, Van Mandcr spoke of: Important knowledge, of natural as well as of heavenly things, and usefullessons, hidden under the cover of these inventions by learned and able poets, who, inspired by a secret force, as enraged and beyond themselves, write their verses and poems." So, m the chapter on Bacchus, he not only relates everything about the invention of wine and the moral effects of its consumption, but also supplies the information that Bacchus had been a king in Arabia, who commanded a great army of men and women, thanks to which he conquered all Asia and India." It 1S not astonishing that in the same text he rather bitterly speaks of those who 'despise all mythology, saying that it is all lies not worth reading"." And there are good reasons to believe that in saying so he had Spicgel in mind." Karel van Mender's Ovid Interpretations had great influence on painters as well as poets. A painter by profession himself, he was one of the leading figures

Rhetoric Rhe/oririan, a"d I'''et,

of the so-called Haarlcm maunensr school. ,,) As a poet, his influence was at first limited to the group of poets, nearly all of them refugees from the south, who wer-e united in the 'Helicon' project. In their collectively conceived anthology of poems, 'The Dutch Helicon' (Dell Nederdnvtschen Helicon), VJ-n Mander's explicarious arc used over and over ag.un." But soon his influence reached further than this rather close-knit group he himself had organized. One of those who profited almost from the beginning of his poetic career, was joost vnn den VOIldel, who, as we saw, in 1663 still adhered to the same threefold method of interpretation." In the meantime, other discussions had taken place. In March r619, Constanrijn Huygens wrote a sonnet udresscd to Arma Roomers Visscher, whom he had met a month earlier. It was a reaction to a sonnet from her, III which she had asked him for news from the Helicon. He lets the Muses answer her: she had better come herself to see, because Constannjn is unknown over there and does not know any thing about what IS gOlllg on. At the other side of the autograph, Huygens had scribbled the verses of Virgil: 'Me, too, the Picrian maids have made a poet, [etcetera I, but 1 trust them not'." The incident would not have merited any attention if two years later Huygens had not entered into a sort of poetical discussion with Pierer Cornelisz Hooft. In January and February 162.1, both poets exchanged sonnets on the occasion of Huygens' departure to England. Elsewhere, ] have argued that in these poems Hooft formulates a nee-platonic conception of poetry, illustrated this time by the mythical figures of Orpheuv ,1I1d Anon, and that Huygens rejects this conception as far as hIS own poetry IS concerned, with an appeal to his 'Dutch»ess'.» Even if in this ease there was no question of anything aside from playful irony, it seems sure that Huygens did not envisage a necplaronic background for hIS own poetry, nor any of the mythological imagery that was connected to it. But then; IS more. In 1603, one year before Karel van Manlier published his Ovid inrerpreranon. rile newly appointed professor at Leyden University, Daniel Heinsius, had delivered his inaugural lecture De poctis et connn interprctatcribus (On poets and their interpreters). There, as well as in the dedication of his Elegiac, published earlier that year, the neoplatoruc conception of poetry as a heavenly inspired force rhar gave expression to cosmic harmony and sympathy in its images, was formulated III a much more learned and philosophical way than Van Mandcr had done. But above all, Heinsius' conception was much more poetical, laying full emphasis on the beauty of rhythm, sound, and Images, and rejecting all farfetched allegorical interpretations. The same year, Jll his study of the Erga kai Hemerai ('Works and Days') of Hesiod, Heinsius underlined once more the beauty and wisdom hidden ill the images of gods, demigods, mythical poets, and herm:s of the ancient worid.« These same ideas by behind the pceticu! correspondence carried on 1Il r61 5 between Heinsius, his cousin jucob van Zevccorc and Anna Roemers. Here, the Helicon myth of Apollo and the Muses, about which Huygens was so rromc,

HelJ«()n and Hills of Sand

played a central role. And a few years later, these same ideas once again inspired Hoofr HI. his exchange of poems with Huygens." In the meantime, Heinsius had seen his own Dutch poetry published by his friend Pen-us Scriverius in 16J 6, including his famous 'Bacchus hymn' (HYl11lluS oft lof-sanck 1'1111 Bacchusi." This very extensive poem testifies to his great knowledge of classical mythology. Scriverius had added a still more extensive and learned commentary, m which all available knowledge was presented, sometimes even combined with traditional allegorical interpretations. More important to my argument, however, is Heinsius' own prologue to the poem, in which he explains why a Christian poet should use the pagan lies no one believes 111 any longer. Referring to the Christian fathers and doctors of the church as well as to classical authors and philosophers, he argues that mythological fictions are nothing but names for natural entities and forces, like 'wine' and 'love', and their good and bad qualities. According to this philosophical view, all Greek wisdom was contained in these stories. Therefore there was no question of adoration of pagan gods, and no reason for any Christian poet TO avoid using their names." Heiusius, as was to be expected, does not speak of any allegorical meanings, but limits his cornmentanes on the story to the qualities and effects of wine. His verses on the newborn Bacchus, for instance, run like this: Why are you naked, 0 Evan, and pictured without any clothes? Because you hate lies and do not love double meanings. Truth lies hidden in your sweet dnnk. For when we are drunk our tongues are loosened and all that is buried in our hearts comes to life 111 our mouths. The poem abounds with mythological stories and learned details, but the interpretations never exceed the physiological and, mostly, psychological level. It must have been this combination of erudition and very direct individual expression that made the poem so unique at the time: ... the tongue sticks to the mouth. Babacta, what is this? Give me your drink, and cure my illness. Chase away those water goddesses and pour me out abundantly, that I conquer my sorrows and cares. Why are you followmg me all the time, why do you make me roam about? \Vhat wrong did I do rowards you? ... Where do you want me to go? In the water, as they say? Who should save me?'~ The publication of Heinsius' collected Dutch poetry (Nederduytsche poemata) was something of an event, to be judged by the subsequent publication of SIX editions in the following six years. '. It was perhaps no wonder that a reaction ensued. Dirck Rafaelsz Camphuysen, a dissident and, therefore, dismissed parson, continued the tradition started by Coornhert and tackled the question. Two factors may have augmented Camphuyseu's indignacion. First, in the 1618 edition of his poetry, Heinsius had published after his Bacchus hymn a parallel 'Hymn of Jesus Christ' tlot-sanck van Jesus Chr;stlls). Secondly, Camp-

Rhetoric, Rhc!orici,ms ,md j)"ct5

huvscn's attack would have been fuelled by the fact that, since his marriage in 1617, Heinsius had become closely related to the so-called gomarist taction of the public church and was evert appointed secretary to the synod of Dordrechr.'In a poem addressed to his friend and eo-dissident joannes Geester.mus, Cumphuvscn rebuked Hcinsius for his hypocrisy, writing as he did of Bacchus as well as of Christ, of worldly love as well as of eternal bliss. In another poem, entitled 'Law of good poetry' (We!-rYlJlcns wet), he launches a severe attack on <111 Creek and Latin iearniug and mythology. And given the literary situation of the moment it seems more than likely that here, Too, he had Hcinsius 111 mind. lr is striking how much this last poem makes one think of Coornhert, who was much admired in the dissident circles Camphuyscu belonged to. Camphuyscn uses rhe same arguments, sometimes almost the same words ,IS Coornhen had done. For Camphuysen. too, in a good poem the words should he adequate representations of the issues at stake, and nothing else. All pompous learuiug and pagon mythology, and everything that is not in accordance with the Dutch language, is to he avoided. The catchwords are nature and simplicity, the objectives are virtue and wisdom, which are beautiful enough III themselves and do not need any external adornments.s ' Did his remarks reach Heinsius? Wc should not forget that Cnmphuyscn and HelnSIUS wrote for different publics. Besides, since his marriage Heinvius had not written such poetry and even the publication of his juvenile verse had (at least formally) taken place without his consent." In r e rr , he hod published his religious-didactic poem De contemptu mortis, but after that his poetical creativity seems to have dried up.» Nevertheless, he must have known about Camphuvscn's VIews, Camphuvsen being the most Ircquentlv read of all Dutch poets. So, w11e11 he came forward with a new publication eleven years later, it must have come as a shock to him that the discussion started again. 111 1632, Heinsius published his religious tragedy Heredes intunncidu with a dedication to Constantijn Huygens. A few months later, a young French man of letters, jean Louis Cuez de Balzuc, to whom Huygens had sent a copy, entered into a correspondence with him on the subject, forwarding some critical notes. Elaborated lino a full treatise, these were eventually published under the title Drscours sur une tragedw de Monsieur Heinsius intitulec Hcrodes lnfanticida. Hein-ous, who was fUriOUS, reacted III the same year with a Episto!a qua dissertationi D. Balraci ad Herodcm infanricidam restrcndetur. As the question became linked To other quarrels 111 which Hcinsius was involved, it developed into a 'cause celebre' in the European literary world. q Balznc's objections centre on two POIlHS; belief and uppropriarcncss. He concedes that Herod, being a romnnizcd Jew and a idolater at that, might have used the names of pagan gods. But Introducing an Angel as well as a Roman Furv on the stage in a single play is not acceptable. The pagan gods nnd demons died with the coming of the Christian God, The inrcnmngling of the two will not result 111 their restoration, but it will certainly undermine the truthfulness of Christianity. Besides, it is inappropriate - even blasphemous - for a Christian writing fm a Christian public to adorn his lanp.lage in thiS way.

Helicon and Hills o( S

This last argument IS Erasmian, but the first, about the undermining of truth, is not, as far as I can see. Heinsius' defense, partly the same as that brought forward in 16J 6, does not impress him. furies such as Tisiphone cannot be regarded as merely visualized passions, virtues, and vices. They were gods to the Romans. Their functions - religious and not psychological - were those of gods, and Heinsius, too, had depicted them as gods." In my opinion, here IS the gist of the question, at least as regards the Dutch public. Until then all emphasis had been on stylistic qualities: using the names of pagan gods was considered pedantic and pompous. Instead, one should use one's own language, and in a simple and straightforward way. With an outspoken religious author such as Camphuysen, this pompous antique imagery assumes an extra moral connotation of vicious sensuality, and, in a religious context, of blasphemy. '" But Balzac's objections go further. In my opinion, they imply a fundamentally historical view of religious and cultural development. What makes the mythological gods really dangerous is not the exotic quality of their names, not even the sinfulness of the passions they are said to signify, but the fact that once they had indeed been considered gods. As such, and because they are no longer believed in, they represent a real threat to the credibility of the Christian God. I do not think the importance of Balzac's criticism was fully understood by most Dutch poets - if they knew about it at all. Opinions mainly continued to develop along the lines drawn by Coornhert and Camphuysen on one side and Heinsius Oil the other, albeit that both sides seemed to withdraw more and more into their own, respectively religious and profane, domain. Thus in the so-called urgent warmng preceding Willem Sluijrer's collection of 'Psalms, spiritual hymns and songs' (Psa/men, lo(-sangen, ende gcestclikc licdckcns, 1661), we read that he had followed the style of the Bible, and avoided the 'alien and false adornments of the antique fables and the names of pagan gods, trying tu speak with simple edifying words".» There was, however, at least some receptivity. Perhaps the intensive reworkmg by Daniel Mostaert of Heinsius' challenged tragedy is one example. Besides reorganizing the whole structure, Mosraert removed all references to pagan deities and replaced the major objective of Balzac's scorn, Tisiphone, with the ghost of Herod's brother-Ill-law. \~ A clear echo of Balzac's opinions on a more ahstract level can be found in the arguments against mythology advanced by joachim Oudaan. At [he same time, Oudaan, a great admirer of Coornhert as well as of Camphuysen;v again extended his objections to the use of mythology to all poetry, secular and profane. The first of Oudaan's ann-mythological writings was a wedding poem, written in 1662 and directed to his friend Joan Blasius, who had published a small mythological reference book. Here he wishes all pagan gods back to hell, which IS generally reminiscent of Balzac's argument. In addition, he sneers at those who applied such poetical ornaments, that they were beggars' finery, good for uninspited poets only.o- Fifteen years later, he elaborated these arguments in a long poem, especially dedicated to this issue. But there are reasons enough to assume

Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Pucls

that in the meanwhile he did not keep them to himself, one of them being the reaction on Vondel's pupil joanoes Antonides van der Goes. In )(>71, Antonidcs published his extensive epic-didactic poem on the river Y, Ystrnom. Among the prclirnmuria figured a laudatory poem by Oudaan, full of such praise as such poems ought to give, but ending with some critical remarks: 'What a pity that a false varnish is splashed over such a beautiful piece of work' and 'I do not value adornments in need of justificunon"." The Justification W;lS given in the same work, III a small treatise preceding the poem itself, reason enough, I think, to consider it the result of previous discussions. Anronides begins by repeating Vondel's proposition, formulated in his defence of Faeton; and which we may now consider a reply to Balxac: nobody would think he was trying to reinstate paganism. Next, he turns to Heinsius. He quotes Hcinsius in the r616 edition of his Dutch poetry, that mythological fictions were only names for natural phenomena and human passions. But then he continues with the argument Heinsius had advanced III his reply to Balzac-' ' that, as such, they constituted the major adornment of all poetic language. As one of the famous instances to illustrate this second pmnt, Anronides refers inter alia to Sannazzaro, who in a poem on the Virgin had attributed prophecy of the birth of the Saviour to Proteus." If anything, this example makes dear how principled, and how antagonisric, was the stand that he took: the same poem had been used by Erasmus III hIS Ciceronianus as a negative example, a passage that, In its turn, was quoted by Balz.ac.r- But there is yet more to it, for the mere fact that he appeals to this poem to Justify his own secular YstroO/lllll1plies that to hlJ11 too the problem was not confined to religious poetry only. Six years later, in 1677, Ondaan eventually came up with a fully-fledged argumentation of his position in a poem entitled 'Religion and idolatry disclosed: to present day poets' (Godsdienst en het godendcm ontdekt: aan de hedcndaagsche dicbterss. Here, at last, he elaborates the two points already present in his epirhalamiuru for BlaSlUS. Firstly, that the mythological gods had indeed been gods to the Greeks and the Romans, and that therefore their poetical renaissance was a flirtation with devilish forces and, as such, an insult as well as a threat to the Christian creed. And secondly, that their so-called poetical beauty was nothing but Idleness and lewdness.!' Before the Balzac-Heinsius discussion took place, nobody had ever taken pagan gods so seriously, nor Judged Pamassinn style so negatively. The difference IS striking: no more allegorical interpretations cl. la van Mauder, nor the more symbolic interpretations advocated by Heinsius. The time for neo-plaronic conceptions of poetry had passed. Instead, an acute awareness of historical development had grown, In the light of which the pagan gods could only been conceived as idols. Idols that had been overcome: the use or non-use of mythology was no longer a question of genr~ or STyle, but one of time. As modern times were Christian, no poet should use pagan imagery nrrymorc, whether in religious or in profane poetry. It would be another hundred years before the consequences of these new conceptions were fully drawn, at least 111 the Netherlands. In 1765, the young Rijk-

1-Ie/icolJ an" Hill,

of .'\mld

lof Michael van Goens published a treatise on the 'use of fables 111 modern poetry' (Uitweiding over het gebruile der oude fabel-historie in de dichtstukken der bedendaegscheni, 111 which he opposed the use of mythology on historical grounds.:" His arguments were essentially the same as Oudaan's. The difference of period was mainly reflected by the fact that what in I677 could be expressed in a seven-page poem was, in f765, given in a forty-three page scholarly essay (complete with quotations and references). The pagan gods had indeed been argued off the poetic stage.

9 Amsterdam School-Orations from the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century"

In September 16.2.5, the government of the prOVIllce of Holland took the important decision to publish a general "rule' for the Latin schools in its jurisdiction.

The ordinance was never accepted ill the other provinces, and even 111 Holland itself it met with some reluctance from the part of the teachers in the field, undoubtedly due to its too exacting contents.' Nevertheless, it remained the only formal regulation for this type of school tilllHI5, and If only for that reason it seems reasonable to assume that it must have responded at least to a certam extent to the actual situation.' The 'school-order', as it was called, was an idealistic and ambitious attempt to reform the programme of the Latin schools to the highest possible humanist standard. Initiated by the rector and senate of the l.eyden university, it was composed by a committee of levden professors, which included part the theologians Antonius WaJaeus and Anronius Thysius, the 'professor political" and head of the so-called collegium orarorium Pen-us Cunaeus, the famous classicists Daniel Hcinsius and Cerardus johannes VOSSII1S, and the logician Franco Burgersdijk. Together with the new ordinance went the publication of a host of officially prescribed books, most of which were written especially for the occasion by some of the afore-mentioned scholars.' The programme as a whole took SIX years, the first three of which were wholly devoted to religion, Latin grammar, syntax and prosody, and some elementary Greek. In the third, second, and first classes the main emphasis was on rhetoric and logic." In the third class, elocution was most important. Lessons in style were scheduled for four days a week, at 10 o'clock in the morning and at 2 in the afternoon. The book used was VOSSiIIS' Elementa Rhetorica, a small booklet of about 40 pages. Bur already ar that point, the foundations of argumentation - "sine quibus non est ut Rheroricc inrellegi possit' - were also to be taught. For the two other days (Wedncsday and Saturday), practical exercises were provided: a letter of some sort, as a first preparation for more advanced rhetoric, and 111 the field of logic, a disputation. In the second class, fully-fledged rhetoric and logic were prevalent: Vossius' Bhctcnica centraeta being a complete 450 page handbook on rhetoric, abstractIll: i.ias. Sounes ,md Documents relating tot the (T9~'i),r-9~-[I'i'

c~arl)"

M"dern Hi,tOr)'

or tdcas;

voL

ko ed from his famous lnstitutio oratoria, Besides, Cicero's orations were to be read and, as we may induce, analysed. EVCIl the ACllcis had to he studied from a rhetorical point of view: 'In his orationum praccipua capita arque argurncnta ob"

servenrur". The exercises on the Wednesdays and Saturdays were to he directed by Heinsius' translations of Aphrhonius and Thcon's jJrogYlnnasmata. Besides rhetoric, logic had to be continued in theory and practice, while an exercise 111 poetry IS mentioned also. In the last - 'first' - class, two possibilities were offered a more logicalrhetorical one, and one of J more 'mathematical' Tl,ITUre. For l-oth groups, however, the cxcerciscs focused on poetry and rhetoric. The poetry was the type of rhctorcally organized cpidcikrical and deliberative social poetry Scnligcr had de" scrihed III his Poetics.' It became highly fashionable in the Netherlands around the I (,.,0-40S, when the first school-order generation had left school. And the orations hud to be elaborated to the point of real deciamationes 'auribus digna pulinorum aurlirorum'. This last cxerctsc represented the apogee of a humanist education, ,1S Marc V,111 dcr l'oel has shown in hls beautiful study on the humanist declain.uia. As such, it had been subjected to a lot of criticism, even III the sixteenth century. Acco-ding to Van der Pod, the dcclamatio often proved too difficult for the pupils, and tended to become a mere tissue of tropcs and citations from classical ;H!rhors.:

So much for a background sketch to a collection of seventeen orations, written and pronounced by different pupils of the Amsterdam Latin school on the OCC,1SIOI1 of the vernal and autumnal exams of the years 1(,72. till 1(,77. These orations are bound together in one convolute, but they were printed separately by different Amsterdam firms, although in the same format and lay-out,' One may venture rbe supposition that proud parents paid for the costs. Seven of them arc orations, the other ten carmina, and all bear the annotation that they were respectively spoken and 'sung' in public. This performance took place, as IS written 111 some of them, '111 brubeurcrio Novi Tcmpli': in the choir of the New Church, the main church of Amsterdam, situated next to the Town Hall on Dam-square. That this custom was to be continued for a long time to come - albeit, perhaps with some interruption - is proved by another collection of comparable oranon, and carmina, dating from 1752. up to 175'1. Here even most invitation leaflets for the event arc preserved with the corresponding texts:' As III the sixteenth century, the pupils - and presumably the teachers ,1S well must have been confronted with some difficulties in fulfilling their final task, That this was indeed the case may be deduced from the existence of supporting textbooks. These hooks did not present much theory, hut contained concrete examples, models and citations to be used when writing an oration. Looking into the production of the main Amsterdam publishing houses, one is struck by the quantity of publications of this sort around the middle of the seventeenth century. Of course, VoSSilIS' Henumta [Lcydcn 1(,2.(,), officially prescribed as it WJS, did go into repr-mr regularly (Lcydcn 1(,34, Amsterdam 1(,35, Midde1burg 1(,40, Amsrcrdnm 1 (,4(, and 1 (,55), although the 1 (,55 edition, issued by the Amsrer-

Amslcrd"", .)c!io,,/-Oratitms lmm the Sucmd }/illl oill!<' 'jlh

(,"""1111')'

dam firm of Joannes Janssonius was the lost until a new one was published hy the same company (now going under the name of janssonius-Wacsbergius] in 172.0.'0 His much more extensive Rhetorica contractu (Leyden J 6ZI), prescribed for the second class, was more successful. After four Leyden-repriuts (,62.2., Ih2.7, 1640, and 1650) the publication was taken over by the Amsterdam firms of respectively Paul us Marrhias (I h5}), jnannes janssonius (1655), joanucs Ravestcynius (1666), and Henricus er Vidua Theodori Boon (1685)." The 16fih and 1685 editions, and possibly also that of [h55, were reprints of the official edition 'ex decreto Ill. ac Pot. Hollandiae er West-Frisiae D. D. Ordinum III usum scholarum ejusdem provinciae excus!'. But more interesting is the edition issued by Paulus Matthias 'Additis magis nccessariis pr aeceptis et exemplis, ex Parnrionibus C]US, nee non Insritutionibus oraroriis. In usurn urriusque scholae Amsrelodamensis'. The addition of practice 1Instructions and examples met with an apparent need in the classroom. We see the same thing happen to the pmgymnasmata, likewise prescribed for the second class. The translations that Aphthonius and Theon Heinsius had made in rhz6 on behalf of the school-order programme never had second editions. On the contrary, the sixteenth century Aphrhonius translation by Agricola and Ccranacus was, with the annotations by Lorichius, reissued at least eighr times III Amsterdam between r64z and 16(;5 hy the firms of Louis and Daniel Elzevier (1655), johauncs janssouius (1657, 1659) and johanncs a Maanen (1665)." The difference between the two was that HelnSIUS presented nothing hut the bare rexrs and that the Agricola-Catanaeus-Lorichius edition was literally stowed with more or less elaborate examples. The very year Elzevier came out with his first Aphrhonius edition, the rival firm of Henricus Laurentius published a reprint of a voluminous handbook, originally written in [612. by the Roman-catholic German priest Matthaeus Timpius: Dormi secure: vel Cynosura prciessorurn ac studiosorum, 'sleep safely', or the 'Little Bear' (that is the constellation on which seamen used to project their course) for professors and students'." It contained 110 fewer than! z.o setups for orations, some schematic, others more elaborate. ln the following years, Eizcvier as well as janssonius came out with other helpful books. In 1648, janssonius entered the market with a reprint of Thomas Farnabius' Index thetoricus et oratorius, first printed in London in 162.')." This was a very handy introduction, with references and examples of mainly clocutinnnry devices. Most valued by students and professors must have been the extensive chapter with formulae: expressions and formulations taken from classical and modern nurhors, to br- used in different places in one's oration. One can imngtnc that these 'formulae oriendi, petendi attention em, uarrundi, proponendi et partiendi' etc., must have come as a godsend. The book also contains references for different subjects to classical and modern authors, so that when writing for example Oil "avaritin", you found a catalogue of 19 places you might use, ranging from Lucrecc to pope Urbanus. The formulae especially must have filled a need, for eight years later, in 1656, Elzevier came our with a booklet, dealing exclusively with them. It was written by a Norwegian resident of Lcydcn, Ivar Pert Adolphus, and was appropriately

" titled: MedulLJ oratoria, the l11illTOW of oratory." It WJ~ even easier to use than Farnabv's hook, the formulae not being taken from existing texts, but consisting of r.uher short, ready-made passages you could put into your composition juS( as they were. Most attention was paid to the [onnulae cxoricndi. which occupied more than half of the pages available. Two years later, III ] 658, j

This survey of school-books is not the result of any systematic bibliographical research, but ongm.rtes from what has been only a quick look into the collection of the Amsterdam university library. Nevertheless, the concentration of these publications between 1642 and 1658, with only a minor continuation uno tile miu-1670S, lS striking. There is some evidence that after 1 677, the puhlic pronunciation of orations by the pupils might have come to a temporary end. Perhaps this had to do with

Amsterdam Schoot-Urations from the Seco"d Half of the! 7th Ce"t"'")'

the merger of the two former Amsterdam Latin schools." In written programmes dating from J677 and !6S2, only VOSSlUS' small Elementa and the progymnastic exercises were retained, and no mention whatsoever is made of any public performances. The amount of copies of the books discussed above, printed In the] 6sos, would have lasted as long as that. Afterwards, it would take until the second quarter of the eightteenth century before a new wave of Latin rhetorical schoolbooks hit the Dutch market. In the 16sos the production of these books was very much III hands of the three biggest publishing firms of schoolbooks and university textbooks III the Netherlands: Elzevier, janssonius and Van Ravesreyn. Of course, these firms did not only sell their books on the local market, bur they must have been the major providers of that local market too. The question that presents itself at this point is whether the pupils of the Amsterdam Latin school did indeed profit from these publications in composing the orations and poems they were supposed to pronounce publicly for their final exams. When looking into the collection of orations at hand;" the first thing to be noted !S that, with two exceptions, they do not ronram the more personal and social epideicric genres the pupils should have been trained in in their final year in school. Moral and, to a certain extent, religious topics abound. In this respect, their subjects are mort in agreement with those to be found in the Aphthonius editions and still more with those in the book by Timpius, rather than the ones discussed by Beckherus and Dierericus. Of the sixteen topics treated by the Amsterdam schoolboys eight occur in Timpius" book, which is not a very impressive score, but in any case a higher one than in any other of the publications mentioned. The other topics dealt with are very much in the same line, with the (notable) exception of two patriotic orations: in 167}, there is a poem dedicated to the prosperity of the house of Orange which had rcestablished its official position the previous year (nr. IS}, and In r 676 an elegy on the death of Holland's most famous admiral, Michiel de Ruyter (nr. ]3). This nearly exclusive predilection for moral and religious themes, shared by Tirnpius and the Amsterdam pupils, and for that matter, professors, was perhaps not so much in accordance with sixteenth century humanist ideas on education, as with later, posr-rridentine, developments." We see the same tendency in the orations held at the Delft Latin school as published by Crucius. Here fifteen orations out of 4.5 have the same subjects as may found in Timpius. The others are in the same line, with the exception of two written in praise of classical heroes, and two others on a national topic - both on the death of Maurice, prince of Orange. To get a somewhat more acute insight into the way these orations were composed and, if possible. Into their relation with the instruction-books mentioned, 1 have compared some models and orations written on the same subject: Al'aritia. Two Amsterdam schoolboys chose this theme for their compositions. For the autumnal exams of J 674, Henricus Tubclius composed a carmen on the subject

Rhetoric Rhetoricians. ,111,1 /'oet"

(nr. X) and for the autumnal exams of !676, Theodorus Silvius wrote an oration [nr.

Hcuricus Tubelius came up with a fairly ambitious poem, full of stilistic devices. He starts with a rather nnpresstvc invocation to God:

Cardinc pandc fores, bipnrentia tecta resolve Rex Superurn, coeli cardine pandc fores. Mellifluam Pater alme, milu da ex acthcre vocem, I... J (r. r-3) (Open the doors of the skies, king of heaven; Father, give me from the l-enificenr aerher a VOlCC sweet as honey) Compared to this, the following address to the public IS rather stereotypical and Ill'}}' have been directly inspired by Ivar Petr Alphonsus' formulae exoricndi: vos quoque m'lgnifici Procercs, Dominique Scholarchac Annuire, & cacptis ore favere rneis. (r.7-S) (And you too, officials and teachers, approve and favour my endeavours) The mam embellishments of this poem arc the [igurae diccndi, of which he makes ample use. In the following opening lines of his argumentatio; I have printed thvru 111 italics: Maxima pars hominum morbo j.ictarur habendi, Et vcluti ralpac viscera rudir humi. Hen: quantum caecal' mortalia pectora nocris: Hell! quts rerrigenas impius error habet? i\Iexligitur probira s, misccntur sacra protanis, Regnat avaririac Iuxuriacqr«: malum. Pro psetata dolus, pm relligione libido, Sancniquc vix usquam mansir III orbe fides. NOI1 SUITImUJTlllOvere honum, quo fluxlt ah uno, Quicquul mesr pulcn, quicquid in orbe /)UI1I. Eccc sed hie stygiis admoras effodit umhris Conditque effossns insariatus apes. Quae rogo, cum bruns h0l111l11 commercia terns? Cm coelum Patna est, cui Pater Ipse Deus . ... 1

(r.

I 1 -;:'4)

The whole poem is literally crammed with exclamations, rhetoricical questions, cnurncrations , parallels, etc., provlllg that its author had obediently studied his srvlistics, whether or not derived from Vossius' Elementa, Besides this, one now ,1nJ then comes across an expression that could have been taken from NcuhuSills' florilegilfm. Compare: Regn,lf nvarinae [ux u riaeque malum (r. j 6)

Am,tcrd,,,,, School-Orations lrom the .'i",:""d Hall of the v-nb Cemury

with the sentence given by Neuhusius: Duae res sum, quae maxima homines ad maleficium impellunr (two things by which men are mostly driven towards crime) Luxuries et Avaritia. And Tubelius: Semper avarus eget, sitis insariabilis nun, Mendicum medias efficit inter opes. Esurir et strucns patitur jejunia mensis , Haud secus ac plena Tanralus ore sitit (... ] (r.67-70)

with Neuhusius: Omnia possideat solus, furir nrdor habendi, Nee minus ac plena Tanralus amne sitir [...] Semper a varus eget, situ insariabilis aun: Mendicun medias susriner inter opes

]·1" The oration by Theodorus Silvius is not only more modest than the one his colleague provided two years earlier, but it also employs quite different techniques. Instead of an emotional appeal to God, it opens with a simple statement of the arguments to be defended: because of their greed, people neglect the poor, and If they think they may obtain eternal bliss in that way they are fundamentally wrong, for wealth drives most people to hell. Here follows a formula exoriendi taken nearly literally from Adolphus: precor I...] ut mihi de ava nriae vituperio orationern habiruro arumum benevolum & arrenras aurcs adhibcatis, bonaque cum venia verba mea audiatis. [p. A 2"""""(""') Compare Adolpus: peto, [.. ] ut eandem aura henevolentiae et arrentiones vesrrae promovere.

and ut! ..] bonaque cum venia me audiatis, majorem in modum vos oro et ohrestor. " The greatest difference, however, IS to be found in the argumentation. Silvius accentuates the points he wants to make not by means of figurae dicendi, but in quite other wnys. First, he gives an anecdote: the story of the miser who, looking

Rh"lnr,,-, Rhdoriciall5 alld /',)('Is

all the time after his gold, shows its hiding place

to a thief, taken from Plautus' Auiulana: a play by the way which 111 r6](-; had been very successfully adapted by one uf rhe greatest Dutch poets of that time, P.e. Hooft. And secondly he quotes ,1 twenty-line poem by some, as he says, 'egregie Poeta', whom I have not yet been able to identify, By inserting these passages, occupy nhour one-third of his text, he has made- it rather easy for himself. His achievement certaiulv rnnk s far behind Tubclius'.

But different J~ they mill' ht: 111 form, after their respective exordia rhe line of argument in both orations 1S very much the same. In both, the ccwtitrnatici. drawing upon the loci of nature and effects, uglles that greed is an illness and a sin. A symptom of the illness IS its insatiability, being a hydropic of the soul, and as a sin it IS the root of all evil and leads inevitably to hell. In both, this coniirmano is also followed by a re(utatio which is built upon the word of the Bible: do not pur your faith III temporal riches, hut gather your treasures in heaven. And both .1Crualizc this dictum III the perorauo, making all appeal for charity, although Silvius does rh is 111 a rnrhcr (;()IKISe way and Tubelius in a very elaborate one. This moral and religious line of argument is cornplerely tu accordance with the- l1loud for an oration on 'Av.uicia' as given III Timpius" Dcmni secure andthough rhis might be more or less conclusive - is not to be found in any of the other instruction-books I looked into." III Aphrhonius" Progvmnasmata for instance the emphasis is nearly exclusively on the negative consequences for SOL·le· ty and sr.uc." The same is the case for the arguments used. Nearly all of them arc to be found III Timpius' very extensive treatment of the topic: beiug rm illnes and a Sill, ava rit y dominates its possessor, instead of being dominated by h1l11, who in the midst of all his riches is poor and willhave to leave his possessions at the time of his death; the WorSh1P of money IS inspired by Satan, and a form of idolatry, gold h;\Vlllg hecomc C;nd; one should gather one's riches in heaven, ere. Incidentally, an argument, especially on the wordly consequences of greed, Illlght been taken from another source, Aphrhonius, Strada, or some of rhe p,ISsages III classical or modern literature hnnabius points to. But the overall COI1elusion to l-e drawn seems clear: Dornn secure 'or the Little Bear had indeed served ,1S the helpful cornpavx on which the Amsterdam schoolboys navig.ned. Yet, Timpius" Durmi secure has ,1 distinct romun-carholic content, with models for orations on topics as [)efcl/sio rcligionie Catholicac and lincomnnn TbeoloKlt,IC Scholasticac, to l1,11l1e only a kw. Amsterdam was a tolerant citv and a grcar part of its population, up to a quarter, had remained with the ROJ11anCatholic Church. But even so, I doubt if it is conceivable that an olltspokt:nl~ Roman-Carbolie schoolhook could have been used ill what W,IS, after all, a pubIrL' Latin school. Some of the school-orations, Silvius for instance, arc nutspokcnlv ann-catholic. I think I will have to continue my search for orber hooks that could have helped y

/vnsterdmn School-Crrations from

1"<:

S('«",d flalf of the T711, Century

Appendix I Amsterdam school-orations University library Amsterdam: 1930 G 50 Theodorus Silvius, Oratio in ai-aritiac uituperiunr. Dixi publico. Examine Aurumnali 14 Cal. Octob. A. [676. Amsterdam: F. Lamrningn & P. Warnaer. 2. Phiuppus la Crue, Oratio de uariis humanae vitae ca!amitatibus. Dixi publice. Promorione Autumnali, In Brabeurcno NOVI Tcrnpli. 1677. Amsterdam: Viduam Petri Bocrcman, in fossa Regia vulgo de Cingel propc Scholas Latinas . ., :-.Jicolaus de la Bassccour, Carmen quo [channis Baptistae mors ab Herodc cncdeliter occisi deplcratur, Cecini puhlice. Examine autumnali. j (,77. Amsrcrdam: Ahrahamuru Wulfgangh. 4 joannes Schrick, Carmen de vitae aeternac gluria. CCCJnI publice. Promcnone auctumuali, In Brabeurerio Novi Ternpli. 1676. Amsterdam: Petrum Boereman, in fossa Regia vuIgo de Cingel prope Scholas Latinas. 5 Wilhe!mllS van Ham, Carmen de ui et efficacia rcginac pecuniac. Cccini publice. Examine aururnnali, In Brabeutetio Novi Templi. 1676. Amsterdam: Perrus Boeteman. (, Willehrordus Noortdyck, Gratio in laudem dearinae, Dixi publice. Ex. autumnali. 1677. Amsterdam: Petrus Messchaart. 7 Antonius du Cam, (rratio metrica de constantia sapicntis. Cecini publice. Ex. verno. 5 Non Aprilis 1676. Amsterdam: joachimum a Dyck. 8 Hcnricus Tubclius, Carmen in aoaritiac oituperuon, Cecini publice. Ex. alltumnali 1674. Amsterdam: Danie!um Bakkamunde. ') {oannes Oosrerlmg, Gratia in laudem pacie. Dixi puhlice. Ex. verno 1(,72.. Amsterdam: Cuiljamus Engelgravus. 10 Petrus Noordyck, Carmen de meditatione mortis. Cccini publice. Ex. autumn. 1676. Amsterdam: Danielum Bakkamunde. 11 joannes a Weert, Enccnniunc prudcntiae. Cccini publice. Ex. autumn. 1(,75. Amsterdam: Danielum Bakkamunde. 12. Wilhelmus Buys, Oratio de conscicntia, Dixi pubhce. Prom. vernali 1(,77. Amsterdam: Pert. Boereman. I _~ Nicolaus Deyman, Elegia ill mnrtem strenui et nobilis uiri D. Michaelis RI/ren Belgicae Tbalassiarchae, Cecini publicc. Ex. autumn 1676. Amsterdam: Danielum Bakk amunde. [4 David Doomick jr., Cratio /11 laudem Iatinitaus. Dixi publicc. Ex. verno 1675. Amsterdam: Hier. Swecns. 15 Horcntius Croon, Carmen uotiuum de Auriacae domus prosperitate et [ederatae Belgicae oprata instaurationc, Cecini pu blice. Ex. aurumna li I 673. Amsrcrdam: Paulus Marthias. J (, jacohus de la Mine, De uana deornm cultic carmen. Cecini pubiice. Ex. vemo 1 676. Amsterdam: Hem. et Theod. Boom.

RI,,,/or;c. R!J('/()rit;,lIIS ,md /'01'/;

17 !\l<.:oIJlIS van loosdrecht, Cml1CII in !iill/perium tristinae. Cccini pub lice. Ex. verno 167.,. Amsterdam: Eg. j. Zaagman.

Appendix 11 Hcnricus Tubelius, Carmen ill Aoaritiac vitupeman. [Wapen van Amsterdam I Amsterdam: Apud Daniclcm Bakkurnundc 1(,74. p. A 2."'''''-A 4"T'''; Carmen in Avaririae Vituperium Cardinc pandc forcs, bipnrcntia tecta resolve Rcx supcrum, cocli ea-dine paudc forcs. Mellitluam Pater alme, mihi da ex aethere vocern, Nostniquc propitio Iimina visc gradu. Da Deus, ut valida possim proscriberc menre Quo non est toto, raetnus orbc malum. Vus quoque maguifici I'roceres, Dominiqne Scholarchae Annuite, & cacpris ore Iavere mcrs. Hinc proud hinc Iugiat, nosrnsque rccedar ab oris 10 Noxia pcrnicies, turpis avariria . Maxima pars hominum morbo [acrntur habendi, Er veluri talpae vlseaa rndir humi. Hcu: quantum cuccuc mortalia pectora noctis: Hcu! qurs tcrrigcnas impins error habet? 15 \legligitur probitav, rniscenrur sacra profanis, Rcgnar nvarj tiae iuxuriacque malum. Pro pietate dolus, pro relligione libido, Sancta que vix usquam mansir in orbe fides. Non summum novcrc bonum, quo Huxir ab uno, 2.0

Quicquid illest pulcri, quicquid in orbe boni.

Eccc sed hie stYII;IlS admotas effodir umbns Condirque cffossas insanarus opcs. Quae rogo, cum bruns hOl11l11i <;0Il111H:r<;ia terns? Cui coelum Parria est, CUI Pater Ipse Dcus. 2.5 Turpis avarc, bonum ncquicquam carpis ab illis Rchus, ubi dolor est, nil nisi pl.mcrus adest. Quid proud aequoreis vulucres sccta ns 111 undis, Quidve agitas leporem per frt:t;] vasra vngum? lnsano, demens, haec, quae, secr.uis amore (Creek mihi) verae nil bouirutis hahent: Narn tacit argenri dira & mnlesana libido Spcrnunrur surnnu ut cura dccusquc Dei. llla Pan-em, rcneros earn cum conjugc natos Opprimit, & vidua s saeviter, .ibsque metu.

.,0

Amsterdam School-Oration> (rom tht: Scn",J Ilal( o( th" [7th Cemury

35 Illrique divinis sua scrinin complcr inermis Pupilli, & falsas undique rudit opes. Bella cruenra ciet, perjuria, srupra, rapmas, Lenoneru illa fat it, prosribulumque er ear. Exitium stygiis non unquurn prodiit nndis, 40 Saevius, argcnei quam malesuada sitis. Est scclerum fons arque caput, non una vorago Criminis, infer-m [anun, mortis iter. Haec primum documenra dedit bona tollere fur ro, Sanguine cognati cornmaculare manus. 45 Die mihi, Pygmalion voluit cm cuede Sichueum Sternere, nummorum nonne cupido fuit? Haec pestis scelcrata duces animosque patentes Sub JUWl misir, eos vulnere srravir hurni: Turpis avarirics homines in dcvia rapt at, 50 Amhitioque patens pectora caeca regir. Vnus Pellaeo juveni non sufficit orbis, Et doluir plures non potuisse rapi. Ipsa salutiferum suspendit in aere Christurn Et dirac imposuit membra verenda cruci. 55 Omnia quid referarn, quid nun mortalia cogir Pectora! quae nullis est snrianda bonis. Quid repetam infandas ducroris Vespasiani Arres, qUC1S nummos congerir innurneros. Millia sunr exempla mihi, si cuncra rderrem 60 Ante dies fugeret, nox rueretque mari , Vina quidem nimium sum pemiciosa bibenti: Scilicet ebrietas noxia ruulta pant. At sitis argent! multo damnosior illfi est, Majus & exirium fen, gravius »occr. 65 Et veluri pmguls flammas alimonia pascir. Noxia sic uvidc crcscic edendo tames. Semper avarus eget, sins insuriabilis nuri, Mendicum medias efftcit inter opes. Esurit & structis pantur jcjunia mcnsrs, 70 Hand sews at pleno Tantalus ore sitit Semper & alterius rnacrcscir rebus opimus lnvidiae paritur tela cruenra suae. Custos, non Dominus: nee habes, quod babes set & ipsas Pauper opes inter vivis avare, tuas. 75 0 caecus hominum mentes! 0 plena renebris Pectora! cur vobis ranra libido ma1i? Quid re aurum multo partum sudore juvahit, Corpus ubi rapier parea inopina tuum? An vi tare putas re bra novissima posse

RI"'/oric, l\1,,'loric;a1l' and PuelS

Morris, & extremum lege rrahenre diem?

Fnllcris uh miser & demens: uhi tempera quemquam lnvcnics opibus pcrpctuasse SUlS! QUId 111SI pU!VIS eris, fulvum qui colligis aurum Et qUI divitias none dicque paras! K'i .\1ors sua sccprra tenet rot corumurua mundo, Omnia sub leges mors vocat atra

SLl3S.

Pauperis haec auquo pulsar pede Baucidis aedes, Purpurcisque perir, tecta habitata Diis. '\;\,ll1l:ipium Satanae tandem dcsisre rupacis, C)Q

Desine Suprcmi spcrncre jussa Dei. Infandis cooperre mnlis urgebctis ornni Tempure! finis er-it nulla futuru mali!

Tcrrca rcr ngcms age linque, caduca caducis, Tu pete perpetuas non morirurus opcs. '1'i Sider.r scnnde magis fulgcnna, quaere supcrna i\ qucis depend et maxima nostra salus. Exsultabis ibi (morbo cunique relicta) Lacririis, illic absque Iaborc qurcs. Non illic belli Portae referantur accrbi, 100 Semper ihi placid.i vivere pact; Iicet. lllic invcnics aurum, diadematu , Sccptra, 19nihlls astriger i splendidiora polio Sic potes actcrnam curn Chnsto degere vitam, Sic pores cxceis i Filius esse Dei. 1°5 Quod si nulla mover ranrru'um gloric rerum, Nee cupiunr ammum praemia rauta tuum, Vmdicis exstimulenr snltcm rormenra Cehennue; Salreru tartareue resptcc regna srvgrs. Vos ergo Amsrclli colitis qUI mocni.i Cives, 110 Hanc proud e vcstro pdlitc cordc luem. Vobis Omniporens opibus bcncdixir opirnis, Occaniquc dedit Sceptra potente manu. Hunc tandem celebrate Pan-ern fontemque bonorum, Nee premite ingraro tot sua don a smu. t t; :';011 opus est patula I1UITImoS distendier [sic I Md Mareries manibus jam dnrur ampla piis. Tendire munificas tot egems rendire de xtrns, Paupcriem alterius sublevet alter ope. Tot profugos specrare vuos, rnptosque penates, lLO Quneque doler fUS1S plnrima nupta corms. Hospiribus quoque Jura pus dare, recta luresque., Et pupillaris sit tibi cura rei.

Amstcrd,ml Schooi-Crvations (mm (he Seco"d 11,,// o/Ih" I 71h Cmlllr)'

Sic caram cinget Pan-iam pax a urea rcrram, Sic vestns ceder mocnibus omne malum. T 2.'i Sic toto ernporium Felix celebrabere mundo, Crandiaque imp lehit scrmia merce Deus. Cecini publice Henricus Tubelius. Examine autumnali. Anni 1674.

Mennonites and Literature in the Seventeenth Century"

Introduction The participation of Mennonites III Dutch seventeenth-century literature has certainly been as great as that of members of other denominations. This IS true not only for the more popular forms of devotional literature such as hymns or texts used to elucidate Biblical illustrations; Mennonite writers have also contributed to the most sophisticated Renaissance and Classicist genres. Some of these helong to the top, or at least tu the second, rank of Dutch literature. On this elevated level, however, it seems sensible to distinguish between literature written by Mennonires and explicitly Mennonite literature, for in the non-devotional field, texts written by Mennunite authors are often hardly distinguishable from those written by non-Mennonires. In this paper, I will concentrate on texts of a distinctive Mennonite character, and, as even this field is far too extensive, specifically on the more sophisticated ones. Nor will I enter into the dramatic production of Mennonire writers, which """,15 also quite extensive. This leaves us a corpus of partly lyrical, partly narrative and discursive religious texts, which, in my opinion, forms an interesting and until now unduly neglected branch of Dutch Renaissance and classical literature. It is this poetry, written all the tangent of elitist poetical ability and Mcnnonitc didactics and devotion, of which I hope to give you some impression.

Karel van Mander (1548-1606) Tile Mennonites loved to sing. Religious song - Biblical or devotional - played an important role io Mennonite religious life. This phenomenon - as Pier Visscr has argued in his fine hook on the Scbabaelje brothers - is closely related to the specific Mennonite brand of devotion, with its great emphasis 011 the active relationship between Old Testament, New Testament, and the individual believer. Spiritual songs were, so to speak, 'new psalms', direct Intermediaries between the believer and God, inspired by the Holy Ghost. Since the middle of the six-

" In: Alisrair Hamilton l' .a. rcds.j, from AJartyr to M,,!,p)' (Menn"nite Urban I'rofes5ionals). A Historical Introduction to Cultural A",milalmll Processes of" Rc!ig",,,s Minority in the Ne/herl,mds; the A'lt'monites. Amsterdam, Amsterdam Univer,ity l'r~", J 994 Ip. ~ 3-9~)·

')4 tccnrh century, innurncra blc hymn books were produced, the authors of which were mostly anonymous. In some cases we know the names, because they died as martyrs to their creed, or because they were well-known ministers, or, in a few cases, because they were or became well-known poets, such as the Schabaelje brothers i ust mentioned. One of these poets around the turn of the century was Van Mander, Karel 1'iI1I Mander, born in Flanders in 154&, settled in Haarlern in ISS3 . He belonged to the Old Flemish denomination and as a Mennonire he wrote a vast n umber of songs which were collected in [605 and published under the title De Gulden Harpe [The Golden Harp I. This songbook corn bined a devotional content with a recognized literary quality, and exercised a great influence llrOn the development of Mennonite hymnody in the seventeenth century.

Karcl van Mander (154:::1-16061, famous painter, poet, and a church member of the orthodox Old Flemish Mcnnonites in Haarlern. The circ*mscription has his motto 'Eell is noodich' (Only Onc is necessary). Engraving hy J. Sucnrcdarn after a painted design by H. C;oltzius.

Mcnnonitcs and Literature i'l the S(Tt'nteellth Century

But Van Mander was also, by profession, a pamrer, As a painter, be was interested in the Renaissance conceptions of art and learning which he knew from his time as an apprentice in the Southern Netherlands, and had met with again durmg a stay in Italy in the 1 570S - conceptions, for mstance, about classical mythology being in accordance with Old Testament history and covering evangelical truths and lessons. Thus, the myth of the Titans assaulting jupiter's throne was to be explained as an image of the dictum that pride is the cause of all evil. In this tradition he wrote an allegorized interpretation of the Mctamorphoses of Ovid which also had notable influence. Furthermore, he was, from his earlier years on, acquainted with contemporary French Renaissance literature, as exemplified by Ronsard. Bur, although not in contradiction with his Mennonire creed, this was not religious literature. For that he had to turn to the works of Cuillnume du Bartas. Du Barras was the man who, in his collection of large epic poems on the Creation and Old Testament history Les Sepmaines [the weeks] (I57R"R4), had ap' plied the techniques of Renaissance classicist poetry to religious literarurc. These techniques consisted mainly of composirional and argumentative devices (that is 110w to construct a convincing argumentation}, stylistic artifices (figures of speech, comparisons, erc.), and fictional representations (narrations, vivid descripnons, directly speaking personages). Nothing differs more from the direct and simple expression of the devotional song than this highly artificial poetry rbnr IS thoroughly classicist, except for the fact that the use of classical mythology, regarded as incompatible with a religious subject, is reduced to the level of mere metaphor, for example, usmg Venus to represent love. Du Bartas's work had a tremendous impact on Dutch seventeenth century religious poetry, especially that written by Calvinist authors. His works had been translated into Dutch since the end of the sixteenth century. But one of the first authors to experience his influence in his own creative work was Van Mander; most notably in his long discursive didactic poem Oli;f-Bergh otte Poema van den taetuen Dagh [Mount of Olives, or Poem on the Last DaYI, published \11 1609, three years after his death. In no less than 4,2.50 lines, the O/ilf-Bcrgh evokes jcsus" prophecies on his last day, interwoven with a variety of other Biblical information. The style, and sometimes even whole passages, are inspired by Du Bartas, but at the same time the structure of the poem is not, as with Du Barras, epic, or, for that matter, fictional, but purely didactic and discursive. Stones are not told as in Du Bartass masterpiece; instead a broad spectrum of moments and data are adduced from everywhere - biblical and pagan history, natural science, classical philosophy and evangelical revelation - and placed in a discursive sequence. In the introductory chapter, the majesty and power of the Christian God is opposed to that of all pagan gods, the prophecy uf the Last Judgement is referred to, and a birds-eye view is given of the world's history starting from Adam and connnuing through Noah up to Jesus Christ himself. Then, in the nine following chapters, the different tokens of doom and salvation are discussed: war and peace, treason and fidelity, greed and charity, justice and injustice, lust and love, belief and unbelief, all illustrated by innumerable exam pios. From Chapter 11 to

Rbctoric, Rhe/orici,ms .nrd Po"ts

Chapter] 3 the history of Jerusalem IS related, ending 111 the town's destruction, and, in strophes 14 and r 5, the lesson to be deduced from it IS explicated: every Sill has to be P,\Hj for and in the end man's only hope is in God's grace. Then follows, in Chapters t f, to 20, the description of the Last Day: the prophecies preceding it, the destruction of the world, the punishment of the doomed and the redemption by Jesus Christ of those who by their obedience, love, charitv, nnd good works have earned eternal Me. The last chapter concludes with the admonition to follow Jesus Christ and un evocation of the heavenly Jerusalem. It is clear that in this poem Van Mandcr wanted to instruct, not by way of a narr.irion or by that of a logical, discursive argument, hut by Imprinting 111 his reader's hearr the meta phvsical truth on which all history and knowledge converge. Perhaps it was this quality of spiritual rather than rational didactics that hrOllght him to the idea of combining the argumentative composition of the didactic poem with the far more direct and emotional expression of the devotional song so much loved by the Mcnnonitcs. For there, too, as we saw, the living truth IS the force that constitutes the unity of Old Testament, New Testament, and believing soul. Van Mauder did just this 111 a publication called Bethlehem. Dot is het Broadhuys mhondende dell Kerstnarbt [Bethlehem, the House of Bread containing Christmas Eve], which W,IS also published yeru-s after his death, III 1(11). The title-page explains: to know spiritual songs, sung by the shepherds at night watching over their flocks and longlllg for the Christ to come, also including the larnenmrions of jcremiah. ,\11 the songs bear the number of the psalm to whose melody they can he sung, so the inference seems reasonable that they were indeed meant to he sung. At tile same time, however, they form a more or less coherent line of argumentation that continues for I1S pages. Each song IS sung by two or three, at most four, shepherds, altematiug strophe after strophe, one sometimes taking the lead for a longer sequence and then the others catching lip again. As the fifteen songs and five lamentations ure sung by no more than 11Ine shepherds in all, three of whom moreover are clearly pre-eminent, rhe whole assumes the character of a sort of primitive oratorio. The line of argumentation starts with <111 evocation, m the first eight songs, of the principal events of Old Testament history from Adam and his SOIlS, through No.rh, Lot, jacob, joseph, and Moses, to David and Solomon, repeatedly interrupted hv complaints ahout man's sinfulness, nearly all of them ending with ,I reference to the coming Messiah. The ninth through twelfth songs alrern.m- with the five lamentations of Jeremiah. The songs express the hope of (~od's mercy and the liberation from SI11, while Jeremiah laments the destruction of Jerusalem. III songs 13 to I .'i, the shepherds an: Informed by an angel of the hirrb of Christ. They pay their visit to the stable and sing the praise of God. The piece ends with an admonition to the reader 111 the form of an ABe: to follow Christ In his own life.

AJ~'l!I()nit~s

and Literature intlrc Seremeentb Centurv

I hope this summary makes clear how similar the overall composition of Bethlehem is to that of the O/iif-Bergh, both interweaving Biblical history and evangelical truth in one VISion continuously directed towards the reader. Yet, at the same time, the form is quite different, the one being cast in broad descriptions and arguments and the other in a panorama of hymns.

joost van den Vondel (1587-1679) Throughout the seventeenth century, Dutch Mennonite poetry moves between the two extremes of devotional song and didactic argumentation. I say 'moves between', because some hymns contain quite extended and learned arguments and some didactic poems are cast in lyrical or at least semi-lyrical forms. Dierick Schabaelje, for instance, the author of two biblical plays and a moral comedy, in addition to a number of songs, published a treatise on the question of predestination in no less than J[ 'refrains' in 1614. At that time, the 'refrain' W,IS a semi-lyrical form, a hit old-fashioned bur still commonly used for the treatment of religious issues. However, to force a complete treatise into such a mould must be regarded as quite exeptional. Of course, it would be simplistic to reduce all Mennonite poetry to the two forms mentioned. Mennonires, like other poets, took part in all aspects of literary life. But

Rhetoric, Rheto ricians and Poets

.roost var: den Vondel ( 15 IP -1 679 ), the mos t ce leb ra ted l Zth-ccnru ry aut ho r of the Ncr he rlnnds , wh o wa s a c h u rc h mem ber and a deacon of the Wat erlan der M en n o n ircs at Am ste rdam until ea . 162 J. Later, in the ea rly 1640.., he converted to th e Rom an Catholic C hu rch . Engra ving h )' Th . M arhnm after a drawing by Sa n d ra rr a n d pu blis hed by C.

Dan ck errsz (ea. 1641) .

W~1tcrlanJer period is re ligious or at least moral 1ll scope, most of th is work was written under the supervision of a publisher. It IS, therefore, rather precarious to ra k e it as evidence of Vondel 's own opinions. More often than not it reflects a gt'l1 e ral , m oral lv orientated Christian ity that must have been accep table to most pe ople a t t ha t time. Only in ciden tally do we sec h im us ing th e di scursive and n a rr a rive t cchn iques of th e cl assici st tradition for a did actic en d th at is unquest io nab ly Menn onire, Th is is most cl ea rly the C:1SC in hi s fir st pl a y, Pas cha [Passove ri ( 16 I 0- I 2.), a nd in two argurn enrarivc poems, each p rob abl y re fe rri ng to ,1 separa re ly iss ued p ri m (sec ill.): Hymnus of te L of-(;CSil llgh ()UCf de iciid-berocmdc scheeps-uaert del' Yereenig bde Ne d erlandcn I H ymn 011 t he Fa m o ns Sh ipping o f t he Con federa re Dutch Pr o vinces] (ea , 1 (, ] 3 ), a nd H vm nus of {of w lIgh Felll de Ch riste lvci:c Ridder IH ymn o n t h e Ch r ist ian Knigh t ] lea . 1 ( 14).

McnnrmiU, ,mt! l.ita"turc in the Seventeenth Centur)'

The hymn on the Christian Knight is a good example of the way Vondel used different traditions for his own ends. The theme of the Christian knight, who, armed allegorically, fights against Satan and his minions, can be traced back directly to the Bible (Paul to the Ephesians 6:10-20) and was often used in literarure. But Vondel derived the composition from another text, the Psychomachia by the fourth-century Latin author Prudenrius, an extremely influential poem often read In school. The classicist style was Du Banes's and the piece is a model of poetic argumentation. Bur as far as the content is concerned, it also has a distincr, if not prominent, Mennonite character with its emphasis on abstinence from all worldly blessings, on penance and repentance and on God's love and mercy. The same is true to a far greater degree of the hymn on Dutch seafaring. This poem presents itself as secular and sketches a vivid picture of the nautical force of the Dutch Repubhc, in times of war as well as in peace. But at the end, the glorious depiction of military power and commercial success suddenly gives way to a most emphatic appeal: beware, throwaway your crowns, tear off your purpit: veils, repent, and open your heart to the lamentations of the poor, practise charity and, in so doing, buy yourself a place in the New Jerusalem. In passages such as these - dispersed between the different parts of the tradirional theme in the Hymn on the Christian Knight, and presented separately at the end of the Hymn on Dutch Seafaring - we recognize the spiritual didactics I mentioned before. Here again, it IS the very personal metaphysical appeal to which, in the last instance, all arguments and descriptions are subordinated. Vondel's classicist ambitions and humanist learning - for which he trained himself very eagerly in these years and to which both hymns bear testimony may have been the reason why this metaphysical appeal does not pervade hIS works so completely as III the case of Van Mander, But it IS certainly present. It is, however, much more directly apparent in his songs. Unlike Van Mander, Vondel saw the argumentative and the emotional as, to a certain extent, two different realms. Anyone who doubts the intensity of his Mennonite belief should read, or for that matter sing, his songs. For Vondel, too, wrote some typically Mcnnonire devotional songs in these same years. Four of them were anonymously published in the well-known Boeck der Gesangen [Book of Hymns] of 1618. They do not distinguish themselves III any way from the huge corpus of Mcnnonite songs. With their simple wording and evangelical conrenr directly related to the spiritual life of the individual, they fulfil in every respect the function of the 'new psalms' in mediating between God and the believer. Thus, in a New Year's song Christ's circumcision IS presented as an image of spiritual rebirth: do not circumcise your flesh but your heart, and choose the spirit above the dead letter. The same is true of a lengthy elaboration on the r orh psalm. But in this last case, we also see the tendency to present, even m such a lyrical form, an extended didactic argument. Another, more convincing specimen of this didacticism is Vondel's elaboration on Psalm I 11. (in the Roman Catholic Vulgate 12. r), in which the joy of rhe JewIsh exiles on their return from Babylon to Jerusalem is compared to the JOY of the Chrisrian looking forward to the COlTIlI1g MeSSIah and the Kingdom of Heaven.

'00

RiJ('/<Jri" Rh"!,)ri"i",,, ,,,,,I Poet,

This poem further shows how close Mcnnonitc spirituality can come to Roman Carhohc piety. Published for the first time in J 620 at the end of his tragedy Hierusalem vcnoocst [The Destruction of Jerusalem], it was reprinted some twenrv years Luer, after Vondel's conversion to Catholicism. Only a few minor alrcrntions were made regardlllg the content - 'spirit of the Lord', for example, was changed to 'spirit from Heaven' - hut the melody was changed from that of a psalm to that of a popular love song, psalms being considered too Protestant hy Cltho]ics of the time. Vondcl's conttiburion to the phenomenon of lyrical didactics IS not very great.

The most nota hle example is undoubtedly the extremely long Aandacbtige Iletraclrting twer Cbristue: Lvden [Close Contemplation of Chnsrs SuffenngsJ (ea. 162.0), ,1 translation from a German original which he versified. Here, 111 3(, strophes making a roral of 2.88 lines, the different stations of Chrisrs passion arc interpreted III terms of individual Sin, penance, repentance, and ccmvcrsrou, endmg with ,1 forceful appeal to internalize Christ's sufferings 111 one's uwn life. Admittedly, this text is not Vondcl's own, but by versifying it he also appropriated It. At any rate it is a beautiful specimen of Mennonite spiritual didactics, and of the, to our taste perhaps somewhat curious, role of singing in that context. Further on, wc will see the same theme treated by other Mennonire, as well as Calvinist, authors. One thing rcmmns to he explmned: Vondel's attitude towards pagan mythology. You may remember that for Karel van Mander mythology formed an I11tcgral part of hIS Christian world view, being nothing more than retormularionv of jewish hIstory and ll10rJI truths. Originally, Vondcl shared this conception. In /)ell Gulden WillckcllThe Golden Shop] (I (, [3), a book of emblems, he was very exphcit ubour this, even though that was a commissioned work. In later years he used morally interpreted myths quite often in his secular work, hut nor III hIS religious poems and plays, and between I (,09 and r e a r , the period of his commitment to the Warerfnnder Mennonites, Virtually all his work was religious. He only mentioned mythological names there in the manner of Du Bartus: JS simple metaphor-s for natural phenomena, such as Pbocbus for the sun, Bacchus for wine, and Venus for love.

Dirck Raphaelsz Camphuysen (1586-1627), Jan Philipsz Schabaelje (1592-I656), and Reycr Anslo (1626-I669) The mythological question became a much discussed topic in I (,24, when Du-ck Ruphaclsz Camphuysen published his translation of the Latin poem tdotelendms, written hy his friend jonnncs Cccstcmnus. Camphuysen was not a Mennonirc, but came close to being one. Until his untimely death III 1627, he was in constant contact with the RiJl1sbllrger Collegiants. In the l dolclcncbus, all images, as well ,1S the enure art of painting, were rejected as instruments of worldly lust and idleness, and especially all pagan images. The poem, and Cumphuyscn's verse introduction to it, formed a frontal at" rack against such secular classicist poetry JS that recently published by Daniel

M"'lJ1onileS and l.ilcrature i" the S,Tenteelll!i Cell/ury

Heinsius, Pierer Comelisz Hoofr, and, ironically, jonsr van den Vondel. It was generally believed at the time that pagan imagery and Christian poetry were in" compatible. The question remained of whether Christian poets could use mythology in their secular work. Not even many Mennonite poets shared Geesteranus's severe opinion on that point. But for religious poetry, the Du Bcrtas tradition had to give up Phoebus and Bacchuv. Around 1634, jan Philipsz 5chabaelje, brother uf Dierick, and himself a prolific author of devotional songs, religious emblematic works and spiritual prose-texts, wrote a didactic poem of 478 lines, presenting an argumentative synthesis of knowledge and spirituality which resembles Van Mander's OlilrBergh in concept. This is not surprtsmg: jan Philipsz also proved himself to be a follower of the old master in his devotional songs. In the years that followed, however, his literary career would be dedicated mainly to the production of devout prose-texts. In the poem mentioned, Het groote Hemispherium [The Great Hemisphere], the cosmos is described as the manifestation of God's wisdom in a way that IS reminiscent of Du Bartas. Bur, at the same time, this cosmos is presented as an allegorical image of knowledge and wisdom, with the scholars and sages of the times as stars who take their light from that one planet, the sun, that is Jesus Christ. All this astronomical, historical, and biblical knowledge fuses at the end of the poem into a spiritual vision of eternity. As with Van Mander, it IS Du Barras reformulated in terms of Mennonite spiritual didactics. Also like Van Mander, Schabaelje practised the lyrical varmnt, writing several didactic songs of considerable length that presented comparable arguments. We can see less of the influence of Van Mander and more of Du Bartas and Vondelin the 886-line poem Martelkwon l'an Steocn den eersten Martelaar [Crown of Martyrdom of Stephen the First Martyr], published in r646 by the twenty-year old Reyer Ans!o. Anslo was a very different person from jan Philipsz Schabaelje. He was not a self-taught deoor without contacts III elitist literary circles, but an ambitious young man about town, who dedicated his first works to the headmaster of his Amsterdam Latin school. for three years Anslo moved with gusto in the literary world, Imitating Vondel in epIC poems on all sorts of political and social events, filled with pagan gods and mythological references according to the taste of the time. In 1649, his first and only tragedy, on the Saint Barthoiemew-massacre, was produced on the Amsterdam stage, where it would continue to play until well into the eighteenth century. That same year he departed on a 'grand tour' to Italy from which he never returned. In Rome he was converted to Roman Catholicism, and was eventually ordained in the lower orders. These last developments indicate that Anslo, besides being an educated man, was also a religious person. During his Amsterdam years, this religiosity may, perhaps have been a bit perfunctory. His poem on Srephen seems to lack the warmth of a Van Mander or Schabaelje, even if it is technically more accomplished than their work. Except for this, there is little of his religious work to be seen: a collection of beautiful quatrains elucidating a series of Bible prints and preceded by a poem to his mother, a lyrical contemplation on the three sages.

102

H.1.'I'!(Jrh-, 1<./'''10';'';''''5

,In" l'odS

Yet, there can be no doubt as tu his genuine Mennonire inspiration. In all his poems the historical or evangelical events are adduced as stimuli for the soul to srrtvc for heavenly bliss, and what IS more, are interpreted from that perspective. In the lyrical poem on the three sages, for instance, the birth of the Messiah is presented as the condition for, and as the mystical Image of, the salvation of the individual soul. And in the biblical elucidations, each quatrain interprets <1 single biblical event in a spiritual manner. Again, this attitude is most striking in the genre to which it is least suited, the epic. Anslo's Martelkrooll pall Steucn IS indeed an epic poem. The framework consists of a vivid, fictional representation of the principal moments of Srephen's martyrdom, including an active role played by jesus Christ and the archangel Cabriel, and realized by the use of the present tense, descriptions, and direct speech. Such an epic setting was quite new in r646, and few models existed as yet, that is to say in Dutch vernacular literature. The only other example to be found is Vondel's poem on the conquest of Grol by Prederick Henry of 1627. It lS quite possible that Nee-Latin poems of this kind existed, and if they did, Anslo would have known them, for he was an accomplished Latinist. Through this work he joined the great tradition of epic poetry of which the works of Du BartJS were the most important representatives, equated in more recent years with rho Gerus,/lelllme Libcrata of Tasso. \'V'hen we compare Anslo's poem with, for instance, Du Bartas's poem on the Battle of Lepanto, Vondel's Gral poem, or, still better, Du Barras's small eprc LII Judit, it is striking how much more often the fictional evocation of events W<1S altered by him than by the others. Admittedly, such a disturbance of the fictional illusion was not unheard of in epic poems. Du Bartas, and for that matter VOI1del, also expressed from time to time their own dismay, anxiety or joy at the occurenccs they described, and, incidentally, even extracted a moral lesson from them. But they did not disturb the fictional illusion so often and so extensively that the whole epic structure of their poems ran the fisk of being lost on the reader. In Anslo's poem this usually happens in two ways: by emotional interventions from the author and by cornpansons with other events from the Bible. Initially, these latter are predominantly made in the speeches delivered by Stcphcn and Gabriel and do not violate the fictional reality, although by their sheer length they hove an undermining qualiry. Bur III the second half, it is the author himself who mtcrrupts the course of events more and more, not only with exclamations, but also with admonitions and spiritualinrerprctntions III which the previously mentioned comparisons also play their role. At the end, these admonitions and interpretations are taken over br Euzehin, the pious one, scarcely <1 personage but more, for the sake of the epic, a personalized function: the interpretation ,IS such. So, although Anslo more than any Mennonire poet before him, maintains the discursive and fictional character of Bartassian epic poetry, he, too, reorganizes it in terms of spiritual didactics and then in essentially the same way as everyone else. The content of these diducrics partly testifies to preoccupations that had assumed a new importance around the middle of the century: intolerance, the

AJemwlliles amll.ilerarllrc in Ihe Sc"""lcenrh Celltury

'°3

division of the visible church, the domination of the sword. But here, too, the spiritualinterpretation of the story is predominant, first formulated by Gabriel, then by the author, and finally by Euzebia: the metaphysical significance of earthly suffering Jll relation to the Kingdom of Heaven.

Joachim Oudaan (r628-1692) The last poet to be discussed is joachim Oudaan, born in Rijnsburg as the grandson of one of the famous Van der Koddes, and a lifelong Collegiant as well as W

1°4

Rhetoric. Rhetoricians and Poe ts

j oa chim Oudaan ( 1628- 1692) , a pocr and member of the Waterlandcr Mennon ite

UJn-

grC!;al iotl nf Rorrerdarn and a promotor of the Collcgiant mo vement. Eng ra ving hy D. jonc krnan after 'I des ign by A. Houbraken, from his drama Haagsc Broeder-moord (he' der iksrad, en . 1674).

Oudaan, as well as Coornhert and Carnphuysen, was a ration" list and believcd in natural reason as the principal servant of evangelical truth . None of the three adhered to medieval and Renaissance philosophical conceptions of allcgory, as fostered hy Van M ander and Vondcl. To them, mythology was indeed si m ply a question of ornament , and nothing else . As we have see n, this was also the o pin io n of most Calvinist writers of the time, and w as taken up h y Anron ides in his de fense . For a Mennon ite such as Oudaan , however, that was exa ct ly the po int; pu re ornament was an ind ucemen t to lust and worldliness, luring the so u l from its heav en ly des tiny, and , as suc h, an instrument o f the dev il. Ou d nau's own poetic sty le is rather plain and more argumentati ve and phi losophica l than lyr ical. It moves in broa d, clear sentences through t he verses, o nly recogn izable as poetry through its r hy t hm and rh yme. It was the lo gica l c on se -

Mem10Jliles ,md l.iter.u"re in 11,,· Seventeenth (:ent"ry

>05

qucnce of his poetic opinions which, as far as his OW11 practice was concerned, secm to have gone further than just the refusal of mythology and to have rejected, with Cccsreranus and Camphuysen, any form of imagery. As a result, he produced a vast amount of rhymed dissertations on political and social events and philosophical issues, interesting for their content and written in a dear style, but as poetry too dry to please. Only his very sharp satirical verses still have the ability to move onc out of sheer indignation. The same goes for his plays, expressing a militant political quality. In his religious poetry, however, we occasionally encounter a somewhat more lyrical and pictorial style. This is mostly due to the biblical material he used, hut also to a certain degree to the rich tradition of religious poetry of all denominations in the Dutch seventeenth century in which he explicitly joined. There is the epic tradition, by then represented in Holland by the Roman Catholic Vondel, whose [oannes de Boetgezant [John the Penitential Prophet] (1662) was the first genuine religious epic in Dutch literature. In his Uytbreyding wer het Boek job [Elaboration on the Book of job] (1672) Oudaan undoubtedly relied on that model and so came to a relatively vivid picture of Jobs ordeal in the first of the 42 chapters of this work. The other 41 contained lyrical vanations on the given theme, and, in their turn, joined the Mennonire tradition of lyrical didactic poetry. I will not enter into the details of Oudaun's religiosity - Socinian rationalist, Mcnncnirc spiritualist, or any blend of elements from those two positions. Certainly, more rational spirituality than mystical identification IS apparent, bur just as certainly he continues the tradition of Mennonirc didactics outlined above. The most essential aspect thereof IS the interruption of any discursive, linear, socalled logical argumentation or narration, by a vertical component - compansons, spiritual interpretations, admonitions, exclamations - pointing towards the metaphysical dimension. Oudaan's Job-variations are inundated with learned explanations and references and even allusions to contemporary politics, but also with emotional appeals and admonitions. All this culminates III the last chapter in a spiritual interpretation of Job as the foreshadowing of Christ and in a forceful appeal to follow Him. The lyrical forms used in these chapters give an apt expression to their contents. Because of its poetic presentation as well as its didactic qualities the poem may be characterized as a showpiece of Menncnire literature. How much Oudaan relied on others in his lyrics, too, is proved by another of his lcngthy religious poems, Aandachtige Treurigheid [Attentive Sadness] (] 6(0). ThIS text is an imitation of two pocms on the same subject, the passion of Christ, written respectively by FranClSCUS Martinius and jerernias de Decker, who were both Calvinists. Here, too, the vivid expression of Oudaan's poem was greatly inspired by, if not derived from, his models. The difference, again, lies in the didactic arm. Marrinius and De Decker primarily wanted to Impress the reader with his guilty nature, and, therefore, gave as moving a picture of Christ's sutferings as possible. Oudaan's description IS as moving as theirs, but nevertheless the decisive emphasis in his poem lies in the imitation of Chnst. Accordingly, he IS the only one who adds a passage on Christ's ascension and His reception by

106

Rh{'/oric Rhctorician, am/I'octs

God the Father to the biblical data, otherwise followed more closely than the two others. Finally, we come back to hymnody. For even Oudaan, with all his philosophical rationality, could not abstain from this typically Mennonite custom and wrote several devout songs on psalm-melodies. A good example of his endeavours in this field is the series of poems and songs that were cited and sung hy the orphans of Rotterdam to arouse the chariry of the citizens on Xew Year's Day of !6Sj, 16S4, 16S5, and 1686. ln the first year, the poem describes the birth of Christ, and tells of the shepherds III the field, the child In the manger and rhc sages from the east. In the complementary song the listeners admonished to abandon pride, to repent, and to practise charity. The next year, the poem treats jcsus's life on earth, while the song IS about abandoning earthly riches for a treasure III heaven. In the third year the poem continues with [usus's death, resurrection and ascension, while the song IS about accounting for one's talents and charity. And in the fourth year, finally, the poem announces the coming of the Messiah and the Last judgement, after which the song defines the charity shown to the orphans as the account to be presented at the tribunal of God's justice. In spite of all the differences, one IS reminded of Van Mander's Bethlehem written some So years earlier.

Conclusion In the rime that had elapsed since Van Mandcr wrote his poems and songs, Iirera rv taste and fashion had changed greatly. But nearly a century later, the literary production of one of the most prominent Ccllcgianrs still continued to testify to the same essentials: a spiritual didactic founded on the metaphysical unity of tcstamental history, evangelical revelation and individual sanctification, breaking through the logical forms of narration and argumentation, and expressing itself III forms rangmg from the most elaborated epic poem to the simplest devotional song. [f these characteristics are typically, or even exclusively, Mcnnonirc, I canner S'lY. Further research has to be done into the works of Mennonite, ,1S well as non-Mcnnonire, authors, to clarify the correspondences and differences. But I hope to have grvcn at least an idea - a few paradigmaricalIines and a hypothesis - III order to create an image of the Mermonire contribution to sevcnrccnrh-ccutury religious poetry.

Bibliography Some information about Mennonire literature in the seventeenth century IS given in general histories of rbc Mcnnonitc movement, such as: \X-'..J. Kiihler; Geschiedcnis tJGlI de doopsgezindcn in Ncderland (1600- I 750). Haarlem (940, vol. H, [ and N. van der Zijpp, Gcschiedcnis der doopsgezmdm ill Nederland. Amsrcrdam 1980 - repr. of Arnhem 1952. Much information OIl literary genres preferably practised by Mennonites - hymns, prose dialogues and pilgrimage-

Alom'JIl;I"s anti 1.i1,·,."IIIr" ;n Ih" .'i('l'<'I1/('<·nth (:('l1tllr)'

texts, emblem books and elucidations of biblical print scrrcs - is given by P. Visser, Breeders in de geest. De doopsgezinde biidragen van Dierick en [an Philipsz. Scbahaeiie tot de Nederlandse stichtelijke literatuur in de zeuentiende eeuw. Deventer 1988, 2 vols. Generalinforrnanon un the authors discussed in this article can be found in: G.P.M. Knuvelder, Handboek tot de geschiedenie der Nederlandse letterkunde. 's-Herrogenbosch 1971, j rh ed., vol. Il. On Karel van Mander as a man of letters the only extant, rather obsolete study is: R. Iacobseo, Care! van Mander (J 54 8- 160(;), dichter en prozascbriiuer, Rotterdam I 906. There is a recent edition of Bethlehem: Karel van Mander, Bethlehem dat is het Broodhuys, edited by P.E.L Verkuyl. Groningen 1985. On Joost van den Vondel's Mennonite poetry see: M. Spies, 'Vondels dichtwerken uir zijn doopsgezinde periode', in: Doopsgezinde Bijdragen 15 (19R9), p. 97- r 14; and J. van den Vondel, Twee seevaart-gedicbten, ed. by M. Spies. Amsterdam/Oxford/New York 1987,2 vols. The best biography is still that written in the seventeenth century: Geeraardr Brandt, Het lenen t-an Joost uan den Vondel. Translated into modern Dutch by M.~. van Oostrom and M.A. Schenkeveld-Van der Dussen. Amsterdam 19Ri'i. The standard edition of his works is: J. van den Vondel, Waken, edited by J.EM. Sterck et al. Amsterdam 1927-40, IO vols. Vondel's songs were edited with musical notation in: Vondcl Vocaal. De Iicdercn /'an Vondel, edited by Kees de Bruijn en Marijke Spies. llaarlem 1988. On Dierick and jan Philipsz Schabaelje see the fine book by P. Visser mentioned before. Reyer Anslo's religious works have not received much attention yet. General information on the poet and his works are to be found in Knuveldet's Handhoelc, and in H.H. Knippenberg, Reyer Anslo: zijn Ieoen en ioerk, Amsterdam 19 r}, reprinted Utrecht 1972. Joachim Oudaan's life and letters are treated by J. Melles, Joachim Oudaan. Hermit der uerdraagraamheid, Utrecht 1958. Two articles have been written on his poem Aandachtige Treurigbevd: B. van Dam-Heringa, "Marrinius, De Decker en Oudaan; dric gedichren over het hjden van Chrisrus', in: De nicutoc taalgids 76 (1983), p. 425-442; and idem, 'Oudaans socinianisme, met name in zijn Aendachtige Treurigheyd', in: De niemure taalgids 77 (19R4), p. 484-492.

Women and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Literature"

There is a certain ambivalence in the subject of my lecture today, an amhivaknee, as a matter of fact, I intend to exploit. For my thesis will be that the ways women were looked upon in Dutch seventeenth-century literature and, consequently, the ways the images and the opinion on women were, up to a certain degree, promoted by Dutch literature, had a rather important Impact on the ways women took parr in the production of literature in those days. Let us see where this complex proposition willlead us. The first step to be taken will complicate things still further. For 'the ways women were looked upon in Dutch seventeenth-century literature' originated outside the Netherlands and, at least In part, well before the seventeenth century. That is always the trouble with literature: it speaks of today's world in terms that were coined mostly yesterday. And 111 prc-rornanric times - say, before 1800 - when originality was not yet a virtue, it did so a (ortiori. Never before and after, perhaps, has so much been written about women, and about the relations between men and women, as between, say, 1550 and 1650. And no wonder, because due to the profound changes in the socio-economic reality of those days, these relations and the position of women as such, had to be reconsidered. Nevertheless, all this writing was deeply influenced, as far as [ can see, by at least three different literary traditions that had their roots clswherc: III Petrarchism, in the so called battle of women, and in the humanist matrimonial tradition of Erasmus and others. So before I can tell you something about the 'ways women were looked upon in Dutch seventeenth-century literature', I have to tell you something about these traditions themselves. First Petrarchism. Most of you will perhaps have heard of this European movement, which consisted of an almost programmatic, and in any case extremely exaggerated. imitation of the themes and stylistic devices the Italian poet Perrarch had used 111 his vernacular love sonnets and elegies. And If you have not heard about it, you should read the former Cambridge professor of German and Dutch literature, Leonard Forster's beautiful book about it. Pcrrarch had written his Callzolliere ([ 347) and other poetry in the fourteenth century. But it was only in the second half of the fifteenth and in the sixteenth century that his themes and forms became the great thing in Italian literature. It was then that the collection of phenomena we call perrarchism came into being: , In: DUhh Crossing. A i"urnal of I.ow Countries .\tlfdic;<,

\'01. , 'I

I , '1\.151. p. _,.L.1.

RI"'[()ric, 1<1,clo,i6"I1, ",,,II',,et,

the stereotyped description of the beloved, with her hair like golden threads, eyebrows of ebony, rose-coloured lips, teeth hke pearls (still embodied, I think, 111 Wait Disney's Snowwhite); the equally stereotyped expression of the conflicting emotions of the lover, completely dependent on his lady's whims, burning and freezing at the same time, dying when she turns away, and coming back to life when she deigns to cast a glance 111 his direction, but always suffering, wccpmgand lamenting.

Petrarch, sonnet j 57 [... ] Her head was of fine gold, her bee of warm snow, Here eyebrows ebony, her eyes were two stars, From which Love did not bend his bow in vain; Pearls and red roses v.. -here sorrow received !III the heart] Formed fair and burning words; Her sighs were flame; her tears crystal. (transl. L Forster)

Petrarch, sonnet 17 Bitter tears stream from my face, Wuh a painful wind of SIghs, Every time I chance to turn my eves upon you, For whose sake I am cut off from the world. Though it is true that your sweet gentle smile Finally quietens my burning desires And draws me out of the fires of my torments, As long as I can gaze on you intently and concentrarcdly, Hut my spirits freeze when I see, As we part, my stars of fate withdraw Her sweet influence from me. [t L. r-a

ns}.

F o r s t e r l

The movement W,lS rnken over around the middle of the sixteenth century by the French poets of the Pieiude - Ronsard, Du Bellay, and others - and from there reached the Southern Netherlands where Jan van dcr Nom was the first who, at the end of rhe 1560's, wrote really Pcrr.archist sonnets. In the meantime, the mode had also pervaded Nee-Latin poetry - at that time, still quantitively and quahtivel y far more important than literature written in the vernacular. Let me quote to you only one poem, written by a Dutchman you have probably never heard of, hut who was the most famous European poet of the sixreenrh century, Janus Secundus. Janus Secundus died in 1536 at the age of 2.5, but before that time had written III his Basia (Kisses) some love poetry that caused a thrill all over Europe, not the least because of its, to the standards of rhar time, soft p*rnographic contents.

Wo",,,n and .\""""I"""I"-(;('"I","y /)"Ich I.iICT<1lu,."

11 I

Janus Secundus My Lydia hit me with a ball of snow And straight my heart with fire began to glow. 'Twas strange a conflagration thus should start Where frozen water played the leading part; But so it was. How can I live at ease, When I am trapped by perils such as these? And what is more, no cold this fire can tame; It must be vanquished by an equal flame. A mutual warmth will my salvation be; 50 come, dear Lydia , come; and burn with me. (rrnnsl. L Forstcr) I think that, besides the Pleiade, it was this Neo-Latin poetry that stimulated the rise of Perrarchism in Holland. This took place in a network of poets connected to the newly founded Leyden university, the most important of whom was the young Daniel Heinsius. Hcinsius, who at the age of 23 was to become professor in classical literature, wrote love lyrics in the vernacular, as well as in Latin and Greek. In 1601 he published, for instance, a collection of Petrarchisr emblems, with a Latin title, QUi/er-is quid sit ilmuy (Do you wonder what love may be), hut with Dutch texts. D. Heinsius

Mijn wijsheyt, mijn verstandt, is minder uls twee oogcn, Deer wcrd' ick van geleyt: mijn hcrt, mijn grant gemoet, Mijn mannelick gewelt, en kan sich nier vertoogen, Als ghy my, 0 Ionckvrou, de swacren srrijdt aendoet. Ick worde als ghy slit. ick geef u hjf en smnen, lck volge nacr u doen. Godm, daer ick op bou, Ick kom u soo na by, dar ick begin te spirmen, En daer ick was een man, daer ben ick nu een vrou. My wisdom, my Judgement is less than two eyes, They lead me; my heart, my fierce disposition, My masculine strength, they cannot come forward When you, 0 my lady, fight against me. J become as you are; I surrender body and soul; I follow your ways. My Goddess, on whom I rely, I come so close to you, that I start spinning; And where I used to be a man, now I am a woman. In the following years, the greatest Dutch lyric poet, P.e. Hooft, followed the trend, and after him came many others.

Rhetoric, Rhl'loricial1' and /'''<'15

112.

r,e. Hooft 'T IS wat, als mr mijns Sons almachtich ooch aenvier: Macr decktse haer- aenschijn; dan hen ick my sclven niet. It IS somerbing, when the almighty eye of my sun looks at me; But when she covers her face, I am not myself. will not enter into all the details of poetic diction - the themes, images, and conceirs - which Perrnrchism as a movement acquired during this period, acquired partly also from other sources such as Greek and Latin poetry. Enough to say that the 'portrait of a lady' that emerges from it IS that of a highly idealized dame, perfect in hody and soul, and with an absolute power in the realm of love. That IS also the only realm in which she seems to exist. As a matter of fact, she is more an object of men's fantasies than the idealization of any real person at all. Only when reading Hooft does one get the impression of couung down to earth ,1 bit and viewing a rather well cducnred upper-middle class girl. F.e. Hoofr Sonnet.

:-;a~

Petrarchaes: Cr-ni eha pocbi, etc.

Selfwassc rauckcu van het alderfijnste goudt, DIe dwaelend' houdcn best den wegh der ucrdighcdcn; Fen elpen aenschijn na de pujkidec gcsnccden, Dacr 'r luchen ncstclr, en de smersij hof op houdt; Fen liehaem van vijn' veer tot In sijn' vorsr volbouwr Met lodderfijckc prachr van net gcmccre leden; 'Twelck wijckr wt voeghens lood, met swieren nochr met rrcdeu, En met een' ccdle geur, sijn soete zecden zout: Almachtigh' ooghen, die sraegh lust en leevcn srruclen, En daegucn docn den nachr, en hcl III hernel haeleu; ZlnzlIjverende sang wr z.ielzujghendcn mondt, Die vingers lejdt ten dans op gehoorsacme snacrcn, Vernufrtelendc tael; en deughd die deughd kiln baeren; Dccs wondrcn hebben mijn vcr wonnen hart gewondt.

Sclfgrown tendrils of the purest gold, That keep their nature's ways best when loosened; An Ivory face, cut after the most perfect concept, \Xlhcre smiles nestle and stateliness keeps court; A body, from foot to head perfected With the lovely splendour of well proportioned parts, That in walking nor dancing deviates from its balance, And that with il noble smell seasons its sweet morals; Migbty eyes, that radiate delight and life,

"3 Make day in the night, and bring hell into heaven; Songs that purge the senses from a scut-tearing mouth; Fingers that playing the strings lead to dance; Intelligent language, and virtue that bears virtue; These wonders have wounded my conquered heart.

\Y./e find a comparable Idealization of womanhood In the second tradition which exercised its influence on Dutch literature, and that has been called the 'battle of women'. It is closely related to the renaissance movement Perrarchism belongs to, and is even partly represented by the same authors, bur has to be distinguished from it because of its different content and purposes. This tradition draws mainly on humanist learning: the whole bulk of classical, and to a great extent, also medieval, knowledge. Its theme was originally the praise of women, and it realized this purpose by adducing as many examples of famous women from the biblical, classical, mythological, and historical past as could be found: goddesses, queens, poets, heroines, mothers, courrisans, de The first instance I know of was written by Pen-arch's friend Boccaccio, who wrote the Decameron. This book he wrote in Latin. It is called De mulicribus danbus (On famous women). Boccaccio had no emancipatory intentions: his main objective was a playful demonstration of learning. His book was a success all over Europe. In the following centuries, the subject was indeed treated sometimes with a senous, emancipatory intention. You may have heard of Chrisnne de Pisan, the widowed mother of three children, who wrote her works in order to earn an income. Her Bouk of the city of Ladies dates from 1405 and was translated mto Flemish in 1475, and in the sixteenth century was even published in English (152I). In the sixteenth-century III France, however, the theme seems to have become a purely literary game, pia red exclusively by men. Here, and m sixteenth century Nen-Latin poetry as well, the subject changes into that of a combat. Who are supertur, women or men? Poems and tracts in praise of women arc now answered by others blaming them, or written in praise of men. Famous, but rather an exception because of its serious intent, is Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim's De ncbiiisatc et praccxccllcntia [oeminei sexus ( 1.5 29), written for Margaret of Austna, who at that time resided in Brussels as regent for Charles V. Again, Daniel Heinsius was one of the first to bring the genre to Holland, when he published in r606 his Mirror of illustrious, honest, brave, virtuous, and intelligent women. And again, he was followed by many others. More than his, mostly Italian and French, forerunners, Heinsius seems to emphasize the essentially different roles men and women are to play in life, hut before I come to that, let me first read the opening lines of his introduction.

Rhetoric. nhcloric;al1s a"d

['(lClS

D.HeIIlSlllS

VOORREDEN VAN DE DOORLVCHTIGHE VROYWEN Het IS cell out gheschil, van langhen tijdt gheresen, En noch op desen dach nier duydelick ghewesen, \Vic darrnen geven moer van deuchden en versrandr De Vrouwen oft de Mans den prys en d'ovcrhnndt. Den Marmen hcbben eerst met cloeckichcvr van handen Ghenomen 111 haec rnachts de Sreden ende Landen, En ondcr haer ghcbiedr, en ondcr hacr ghcwelr Des ucrt njcx rondc C10lH ghetrockcn en ghestclr.

Daer to::ghens

de deuchr, daer reghen

1-1I11

de ghavcn

Vant vrouwelick ghesl.rchr besloren en hegraven. En hacr ghcrrou ghcmocr, end' haercn handcl kuys, Heefr tot zilll leste pael den Dorpel van het huys.

It is an old discussion, originating from long ago, And yet not clearly solved today, Who, on the point of virtue and intelligence, Is to he given the price and vrctorv: women or men. The men have with brave hands Conquered cities and counrncs, And ha vc brought in their power and command The whole globe of the world. On the contrary the Virtues and talents Of women are hidden and buried, And her faithful nature, her chaste behaviour Have the threshold of the house as their boundary, Men act in the world, while women do the housekeeping. Traditional as this may seem to us, in Heinsius' time it was a rather new conception, which was defended for the first rime, and very seriously so, by humanists such as Erasmus and Vives. The humanist defence of matrimony, started by Erasmus' De Iatcde mctrirnonn dccla-natio (I 5 18), was initially sorucrhing quite different from the 'battle of women' tradition. Instead of an intellectual literary game, it was a serious point of action, mainly directed against the superiority which in the Middle-Ages was assigned to the celibatariun way of life in the cloisters. In the course of the sixteenth century, however, the two traditions seem sometimes to have merged. In any case, they came together III Heinsius" text. This was a century after Erasmus had published his Declamauo, bur developments took place much 1110lT slowly III those days than in ours. For Holland, anno 1606, the idea that the 01<':tivitics of Cl \VO!1l.111 should be confined to her household was still fairly new. To make the significance of this clear, I have to leave the level of literature for a moment ;I!HJ to turn to reality.

Wom"n and .'i"l'"n/.,<,,,th-C,·ntu,y Du/d, Liura/me

1 I

In the Netherlands of the sixteenth century, women did normally participate in social and economic life. I am not speaking of the nobility - which, being mostly French-speaking, had almost no influence on Dutch culture - but of the lower, middle and upper middle-class burghers who formed the greater part of the inhabitants of the towns and villages. An Italian writer, Lodovico Guicciardini, who published in 1567 a description of the Netherlands, writes: De vrouwcn van dit land I... ] ga an niet alleen III de stad van hier naar daar om haar zaken te regelen, maa r ze reizen ook het land door van de ene plaats naar de andere, met weinig gezelschap, zonder dar iemand er war van zcgt. [... ] ze houden zich ook bezig met koophandel, door te kopen en te verkopen, en ze zijn I]Veng III de weer met woord en daad in ondernemingen die cigcnlijk de man passen, en dat met zo'n behendigheid en vlijr dar op vccl pla atsen, zoals in Holland en Zccland, de manncn de vrouwen alles laten doen

1···1· The women lJl this country r...] not only go to and forth in town to manage their affairs, but they travel from town to town through the country, without any company to speak of, and without anybody commenting upon it. [... 1 they occupy themselves also in buying and selling, and are industrious III affans that properly belong to men, and that with such an eagerness and skilfulness that In many places, as in Holland and Zecland, men leave it to women to handle everything. Given this situation, you may understand that Heinsius' words - that 'the faithful nature and chaste behaviour of women have the thresholds of their houses as their boundaries' - implied the propounding of a new mode of behaviour, One of the topics of humanist marrimorual Iiterature was indeed matrimonial chastity. Women were supposed to be weaker than men - also in the literal sense of having softer flesh and of being, in consequence, more emotional and more sexually inflammable. These were old ideas which could already be found in the fifth and SIxth century fathers of the church, and which Jll the middle-ages had laid the foundation of female cloister life. But from the moment such opmtons were linked to the rehabilitation of marriage, the control over her sexuality became essential for every woman, and chastity the most important female virtue. A friend of Erasrnus, the Spanish humanist Luis Vives, who lived for many years in the southern Netherlands, formulates it as follows: In een man zijn verschillendc deugdcn nodig, zoels wijsheid, welsprekendhcid, een goed geheugen, rechtvaardigheid, kracht, mildheid, groormoedigheid, en anderc kennis die nodig is om te kunnen leven, en Hinkheid, die nodig is om het algerneen welvaren te kunnen beharrigen. Maar als er enkele van deze deugden in een man onrbreken, kan men hem daarover nicr zo hard vallen. Maar 11\ de vrouw wordt mets verlangd en is niets nodig dan alleen de reinheid, want als die in de vrouw onrbreekt IS dar net 1.0 erg als wannecr nl de hiervoor genoemde deugden IJ1 de man onrbreken.

J('i

Rllctor;". Rhctori,,;,m, and {'octs

A mall needs several virtues: prudence, eloquence, memory, Justice, force, generosity, magnanimity, and other knowledge necessary to be able to live, and bravery, necessary ro serve tile common welfare. Bur If a few of these virtues Me lacking, one should not he too severe about it. In a woman, however, nothing is needed hut chastity, and if that is missing, it is as if all the Iorsaid virtues were missing III a man. This marrimonial chastity was propagated in sixteenth-century humanist texts and engravlllgs, especially in Germnny. And it is the same chastity that defines to ,1 hIgh degree the choice of famous women III Hemsius" Mirror. A splendid example of the confluence of the three traditions I have been sketching for you may he found in Heinsius' example of luciu. Lucia put Out her eyes - these, being the mu-ror s of the soul, cnflamcd the sexual passIons of her assaulter {;I Pctrarchisr motive) - to ensure her chastity (a matrimonial motive), and 111 doing so, proved herself to he the better of the two (battle of women), Throughout the seventeenth century, these traditions may be traced, often flowing togethl;r, and most of rhe times assuming - and this IS unportanr - a rather realistic upper-middle-class flavour, as wc noticed in Hoofr's Pen-archisr sonnet. \X!hl;1l we read - or for that matter, sing - till; lovely songs authors such ,1S Hooft and Bredero, and many others, wrote, it IS evident that the suffering, weeping, and complaining Petrarchisr lover had become J young Amsterdam man "bout town, louking, for instance, from the outside at his beloved dancing at ~1 party III the parlour of one of the big houses on the canal:

P.c, Honft

Amaryl ick sruc hicr veur Dose dour, S'll den Jans nocb langer duircn Dacr ghij hinnen aen crioelt, Noch en voclr Dcsc coudc buircn wren?

Min, sij worclr u fakkel claer Nlet gnv;l('r Door de glascn, noch mijn clachtcn, Macr ick wandel even seer Hccn en wecr, Hoc vcrdrietich valr het wachren. Maer SI et gins, oft ooch co*ck mist? Xccn, SI] 1St. Aroaryl mijn lievc icvcn!

\V,m"'l( alJd S('I'enl('('lJlh'(;('IItll':l' !)"Ich I.;h'rallln:

Ccphalo van waer comr ghlJ? Vruechdijr mij> Troost ick sal u antwoorr geven.

1·1 Aruarvl, [am standing here At the door, Will the dance go on still longer That you arc dancing there inside, Not feeling These hours of cold outside.

Cupid, she does not Perceive your torch Through the window, nor my complaints, But nevertheless I walk To and fro. How sad is this waiting. Bur look there, am I seeing wrong? No, it is her. Amaryl, my sweetheart' Cephalo, where do you come from? Are you asking? love, I will answer you.

1·1 And when Huygens gives from his masculine pomr of vtew his version of the battle of WO!l1lOl1, it is in a playful, teasing discussion with his female friends, the girls who are his neighbours In The Hague, Dorothea van Dorp and Lucreria V<1n Trello:

Huygens Torcvuu'e-lcfalias Mans handt hcnccn, Boertighe verantiooordingt.e ande Jeught van 'tsGraucnhacRe Zou en man de mmsrc zun Bij het ribli-stick van sen lcnden? Dar waer 'r oppcrsr onder wenden, Toughens reden en nerruer Teughcns stroom en over stuer,

11 'Ksagh wcl an de meijt her oogbe

,,8

Rhetoric Rliet01'iuam and I'oets

Die al gins en wcdcr vloghc Dar ick hicr en daer al war

Or her veer eschoten hadd', [...]

In praise ottocnnen, or; to men the upperhand. jest(uljusti(icatiol1 to the youth of The I-hllfl/(' W'ould ~1 man be less Than the nb of his loins? That would be turning things upside down, Against reason and against nature, Against stream and steering-wheel,

1 Ih~ adduces the bible, nature, Homer and Erasmus to prove his point, and rhen counnues. I

I S,lW 1Il her eves, Coing hither and thither, That I had shot

A feather from her bonnet, 1

\\;;rc sec also in the tradition of poems '111 praise of women', besides the Didos and Lucias and Esthers, some well-known Dutch women stealing Ill, such as Anna Roomers Visscher and Anna Maria van Schurman:

Johanna Hoobius \X!ellS dan onsc Ecu nu van geleerde Vrouwen, Cansch t'eenemael onthloot dat kan I( mer vertrouwen, Het IS ons noch bekent hoe Comans weer de kinr Wert om haer gcestigbevdr van vder een bernint. 1

En Iuffrou AI/nil oock, ecn Maeght vol geesrighedcn, Cingh die niet meninchrnae! hacr jongc ryd bestcdcn, In soere Poesy, I ..]

1.1 \'\iie sal nicr staen verstelr? wrc sal mer zvn verwondert? AI, Wtrecht seer vermucrr dcr Vrouwen 10f uyr dondert, Doer Fama henc vliegt, en roemr door r ganrsche Jam Dell wyrvermacrdc lof van Schuvnnans cdcl pant. [. •• 1

Well then, that our age is completely devoid

W'"mell "lid Sel,enteelllh-Celi[ury D"tch Lit,'rdtllre

Of learned women, I can not believe, It is well known how Comans' child Is loved by everyone for her wittiness

[···1 And lady Ann as well, a maiden full of wit, Did she not fill the time of her youth often With sweet poetry?

1...1 But who is not perplexed, and full of wonder, When the famous town of Utrecht trumpets the praise of women: Whither Fame flies and proclaims throughout the country The renowned honour of the noble Schumian's child?

Anna Roemers and Anna Maria van Schurmnn are praised for their poetry and learning. That was, of course, in complete accordance with the battle-of-women tradition. But it was also, and this may astonish you, in accordance with the matrimonial one. from the moment Erasrnus and his followers began advocaring the rehabilitation of marriage and housekeeping as a woman's most natural and most desirable destiny, they had combined this with an effort to upgrade those activities. A woman had the house as her specific working area, as the man had the outer world, but as such they were to be partners, albeit a junior and a senior partner, equal and more equal. As partner of her husband and as educator of the children, the woman had to have a certain intellectual level. In one of his Latin colloquies, Erasrnus introduces an abbot who is visiting a married woman and is shocked by the books she has in her room:

."-1. Waarom mishaagt 1I deze huisraad? A. Omdar de spinrokken en spillen de wapens del' vrouwen zijn. M. Past het dan een huismoeder niet haar huishoudeu te regelen en haar kinderen te onderwijzen en re sturen? A. ja. M. Meenr u dat zo'n gcwichcige zaak zonder wijsheid uitgevoerd kan worden? A. Ik denk van met. M. Maar die wijsheid leren me de boeken [... 1 M. Why are you displeased by these utensils? A. Because the spinning-wheel and spindle an: the weapons of women. M. Is it not becoming to a mistress to organize her household and educate and guide her children? A. Yes. M. Do you think such an Important task can be fulfilled without wisdom? A. I don't think so . .\1. But wisdom IS taught to me by these books [... 1 Furthermore, many writers assure us that reading was to be promoted because it kept the young women from the streets, where they would encounter nothing but dangers [i.e. to their chastity), So, when in 1622 Anna Roerners, 3~ years old and as yet unmarried, but having a certain reputation as a poet, was welcomed in Zeeland by her fellow-poets, many of them could not restrain themselves from pointing to her undesirable

Rhelnri,', Rhetoricians a"d Poel5

12.0

spinsterhood. A female colleague we have encountered already, johanna C:OOl1l

wrote:

nog ourbrcckt er war a an dcez' hegaafdc maagd, Dcr IS da r ZIJ de unum van 'mnagd re lunge drnagt. lk wcnse dau, joukvrouw, dar II wordr roegezondeu Feu, daar guuaar uw wens mochr wordcn ann gehondcn

M:l:H

11 Dar gij nls rnocdcr 1110cht voorttelen een geslacht Dar ullc druk ver drijfr wanneer 'r rnuar eens en Iachr. En ;lIs 'r clan k wam uw ha Is r'omvangen met ZIJT1 vlerken, Dar ware u mecr vermaak als aluw kunsrig werkcn. But still something IS bcking III this talented maiden, To wit, that she is endowed with the title of 'maiden' for a too long time. t wish, my lady, that someone will be sent to you, someone to whom you will be connected to your full contentedness

1···1 And that '1S a mother you will procreate an offspring That with a single smile drives all sadness away, and when embracing you with its small arms elVes you rJlOI"(:' pleasure than all your artful achievements.

A lvarucd woman such as Annn Maria van Schurman, giving her time TO scholarI~' studies, W,lS only acceptable as long as she was acknowledged as an exception, .1 deviation from normality, Van Schurman herself - defending the abilirv and the righr of women to intellectual uctivirics - emphasized that, in her opinion TOO, marriage and housekeeping came first. In the meantime, we have surreptitiously passed from my first pomr: 'the \\aI'S women were looked upon 1I1 lircrarure', to the second: 'the W

Men gaf in ouden tiir, outrenr de eersrcn morgcn. Eeu sleurel aen de bruyr, tot ingangh van de sorgen,

Wome'l al1d Scvcntecmb-Ccnnnv Vu/ch J.ilerCl/urc

Fen sleurel V,lTI het huys en al het huys-bcdrijf, En dan was eersr de bruvr een gantsch volkomen wijf. In old times, the first morning The bride was given a key, as admittance to her responsabiliries, A key to the home and to all domestic things, And only from that moment on the bride had become a complete wife. The Image that is transmitted to LIS by all this writing, is that of a woman whose destiny IS marriage. A marriage out of love and free will, hence all the love songs and amorous story and emblem books with their Petrarchistic flavour, which played a role in education and courting: but also a marriage that normally requircd parental consent, because it was decisive for the rest of the girl's life, and that of her children. Cats is very explicit, and prolix, on this point:

J. Cats,

Hcnaoelick

lck wj] slechrs dat een jonge macghr Als sy ter eer en werr gevracght, Nier strn x, ell met een [uchten sin, Sal srorren in een losse mm; Fen sraegh versoeck , in ware vlijt, En dat nier vuor ecn kleynen tijt, Met stille sinnen uvr re sracn, DOlt rued ick ulle vrusrets aen,

11 Voor al, soo let roch op de deught, Let op den handel snner jeught, En hoe hy sich gedragen heeft, WJnneer hy buyren hccfr geleeft, In Duitslanr, of in'r Fransche rijck, Of elders 111 een ander wijck; Let op een wijs, een nuchter man, Die u tot stcunse! dienen kan, En in den gccsr en aan het lijf, En veer het wichrigh huys-bedrijf;

1·1 J only wish rbar a young maiden, When she IS proposed to, Will not throw herself 111 a hurry And lighr-heartcdly III a loose love-affair. To hold ill consideration For no short time, A steady preserved proposal, made in true eagerness, That is my advice to all girls.

122

Rhetoric, Rh('/ori6ans and I'"els

[···1

Before all, pay attention to his virtue, Consider the way he has been behaving himself lJl his young days. When he used to live abroad, In Germany, or France, Or elsewhere, Look for a prudent and sober man, \'(Iho will be a support to you In matters of the mind as well as of the body, And in the domestic "Hairs, rhat are so Important. \X!hen we consider the way the marriages of Hooft and Huygens came about, reality must not have been very different. As a future mother and housewife, the girl received a certain intellectual education that, depending on her talcnrs, the social class she belonged to, and the Illrcrcvts of her parents, could amount to quite something. We know of women who learned Hebrew to be able to read the Bible in the original language. In more liberal families, she might learn to smg and to play an instrument, and to do water-colours or engravings on glass, as the famous Visscher sisters did. These women could very well have been put forward ns Dutch examples of pr.useworthmess. But III the end, the duties of marriage presented the only real fulfilment of life they could look forward to. Originally this image was not III accordance with Dutch middle class reality. Rut it did become so during the first half of the seventeenth century, first, III upper middle class Iamihes, like those Huygens and, to a somewhat lesser degree, Hooft, belonged to; and from there downward. Around the lfi50\ it mny have reached the lower middle class bourgeoisie, albeit rhar even at that time ,I woman 11l business was still no great exception. This development had considerable consequences for 'the ways women did take part in the production of litcrnturu': my third pomr. For the firsr time m modern history, women were accepted in the same intellectual and cultural domain as men, and up to a certain level, albeit mostly a considerably lower one, trained to it. In earlier times, durrng the Middle Ages, women were often far more learned, hut their intellectual achievemcnrs were confined to a closed circ uit , that of rhe n unncrtcg, and concerned exclusively female religious Issues. But III enterrug the masculine intellectual world, these modern women remained \Vh~lt tht;)" were meant to be anyway: junior partners. 'Literary conversation' be(;1111e one of the charucrcrisrics of fem.ile civil behaviour, and writing poetry <1 socinlly charming pastime, as watercolours and singing were. The literary production of women bears testimony to this situation. Nearly all female poetry from the first half of rhc seventeenth century IS written in relation to the poetry of men. Arma Roomers' literary fame depends for the greater part OTl the exchange of poems between her, Daniel Heinsius, and Heinsius" cousin .Iacoh van Zevecote - a [iter ary correspondence in which sh~ IS praised as a new 'vlincrvn and the tenth of the muses, compliments she polir~ly rejects - and, a few venrx later; between her, Constantijn Huygens, and Pictcr Cornelisz Hooft.

Women and Seventecntb-Cemurv [)ulch !.itenllure

In this latter exchange, Huygens introduces a new conceit when he answers a sonnet by Anna with one on the same rhyming words. This trick was repeated in 162. I in a whole series of sonnets by Hooft, Huygens, Anna, her younger sister Tcsselschade, and other friends. The following year, poems are exchanged with friends in Zeeland on the occasion of her Visit there. The only independent literary works from her hand we know of, are her translation of a French collection of religious emblems that was never published, and the small poems she added to the reprint of her father's cmblcmbook. That is all. And note: she was the most famous female author in the Netherlands of the seventeenth century. The situation regarding the poetry of other female authors is even worse, Of the odd twenty poems by Tesselschede that survived, no less than eleven are addressed to friends. And the same goes for other poetesses we know of. It is rnainlj- in a situation of poetical exchange that they seem to write, and often the social rather than poetical character of such exchange is emphasized by the device of rhyme-repetition. In 1654, for instance, no less than twelve poets, three of whom were women, engaged in such a series on a light erotic theme. Litera" ture had become a social game, indeed. All this does not mean that women did not write autonomous literary work at all. It only means that such work was not regarded as important enough to be conserved. When there was a connection to poetry written by men, their poems rnighr sometimes be published. Hence, the huge quantity of exchange-verses. The rest stayed in handwriting and was thrown away in due time. Most of Tessclschudc's poems we only are acquainted with because she communicated them in letters ro friends, who, being men, conserved their correspondence. But her translation of Tasso 's Gerusalenune Iibcrata, on which she worked for about twenty years, is lost, save the stanza she quoted in a letter to Hootr. It is only in the second half of the century that some women produced publications of their own. Perhaps not the most rmportanr of these, but certainly the most curious, is the collection of poems by two women, Cnthanna Quesners and Cornelia van der Veer, which was published in J66S under the title 'Battle of Laurels' tlauioer-strvti. The volume opens with a combat of generosity, III which the two ladies praise each other up to the top of mount Helicon, all the way long with the same rhymes:

Lauwer-stryt tusschcn Cathanna Qucstiers en Ccrnelia van der Veer [ ... [ [Catharina] Neen, Fehus Priesterin, my passen gheen Lcuwerieren, Mijn vaarzen SlIn re swack, zy hebben kracht noch spieren. Om op den top van 't wijd-beroemde Helicon Te klauteren; [... 1

[Comelia] lk ben onwaardt den diener van hem die Lauwerieren In plants van Dafne kust, lIW vaarzen hebben spiereu,

Rhetoric. Rhet"riuill1S and Po"ts

En nadcrs vol van merch, waar door gy Helikon Bcklaurerdr met VCfI11JJk; [... 1

11 [Carharina] )\."0, priest of Phocbus, J do [lot deserve laurels, My verses are weak, they have power nor muscles To climb to the top of famous Helicon,

I [Cornclia ] I am unworthy to the service of him who kisses laurels Instead of Duphnc's mouth; your verses have muscles And vcms loaded with marrow, to climb Helicon \\,'ith pleasure; 1... 1 Horriblc verses indeed. Hut they are Interesting, from the viewpoint of form that defined the very limitations of female poetry. A pity that already at the time of puhlicarion, Carharina Qucsriers had decided to Jay her pen down, stricken as she was, in her own words, by Cupid's arrow. four years later she died, in childlurrh we may infer. The first really Independent female poet was another Catharinu, who for some time succeeded the first OI1e 1J1 Cornclia van dcr Veer's friendship: Catha rrna l.esca.lle, publisher and bookseller. Her literary inheritance was not thrown uwav after her death, but published in three huge volumes. Here for the first time, the literary production of a womnn could stand on its own. Bur for the same reason, it W,lS no longer female poetry. Catharina Lcscaille writes as any other poet of her time, and therefore she falls outside this lecture, which considered rhe female role 1I1 seventeenth century Dutch poetry.

Argumentative Aspects of Rhetoric and Their Impact on the Poetry of joost van den Yonder

In this paper, I wish to discuss the roll; of argument in rhetoric as it concerns the poetry of the poeta laureatus Joost van den Vondel.' I will illustrate my proposition by way of an analysis of Vondcl's poem celebrating the new Amsterdam town hall, which is today the Royal Palace, on the Dam Square, a majestic and sumptuously decorated budding, a triumph of seventeenth-century Dutch archi-

tecture and

Mt.

At the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, the most progressive Dutch poets were drawn to the Pleiadic, Neo-Plaronic conception of poetry, according to which 'true' literature distinguishes itself hy an mna re quality that mn y perhaps best he described as 'inspired imagination'. This is, certainly in the first resort, a specifically lyrical conception, which regards freedom uf mind and a multiplicity and diversity of imaginative ideas as the prccmmcnt poetic qualities. This conception was theoretically elaborated by no less a person than Daniel Heinsius, notably in his inaugural speech at Levdeu University in I f>oy De poetis et eorum interpretibue, which marks a moment of crucial rmpcrtuncc for the whole development of vernacular literature." Although clearly Nee-Platonic in origin and, initially, also in content, III the course of time this lyrical conception of literature narrowed to a conception of lyrical poetry. and appeared to run parallel to Aristotle's ideas about tragedy and the epic. We may infer this for Heinsius himself, and in mid century we find it explicitly 111 Gerardus Joanncs VOSSlUS' De artis poeticac natura ac constitutionc tiller of 1647.' According to Vossius it IS at its most recent and optimum stage of development that literature is characterized by inspiration and Imagination. In an earlier phase of history, literature did not exist in this sense, and poems were nothing more than metrical orations III rhyme.' In his Poeticarum instituticmuru litrn tres (likewise of 1(47) he again draws attention to this, in his opinion older, form of literature. In reference to this, Vossius mentions his Commentaricmcm rhetoricomm, sioc oratoriutn institutionum libri sex, which first appeared in 1606 and of c In: IIriOlIl Vickns krl.), Rhetoric Revalued. fopa, (rom the lntcmational Society (or the His· tory of Rhl'lrnic. lIirminl\hamIN~w York, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Srudics/Ccnrer f"r

,\JeJi""a[ & Luly RenaissanCe Studies, 19821p. r87-1<)8).

126

Rhrtori(, Rhetoricians and Pocts

which in I (,43 a fourth elaborated new edition had been published.' Bur 1Il his liter-ary text-book he wants to present only what he considers the optimum form of literature. \XlJlen Vossius speaks of the development of poetry, he alludes to developmenrs that Me alleged [0 have taken place in Roman antiquity. Yet - whether or not this is coincidence - it tallies with what we may observe in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Graham Castor has already pointed out that 1ll France the Pleiadic conceptions replaced those of the seccmde rhetovique, which emphasized rhetorically structured argumentation." Elsewhere, I have tried tu prove that we not only come across a similar conception in Julius Ceasar Scaligcr's Poeticcs lifm septesn of I 5(,J, hut that it also underlies in any case, in the Netherlands, a whole tradition of sixteenth-century Nee-Latin poetry. - Though Vossius may, almost a century later, consider the rhetorical conception outdated, and though (nor wanting to disapprove of the dccere as such) he rejects its rhetorical realization for poetry 1ll the smcrest sense of the word, the question remains whether everyone agreed with him in that respect. Which brings me to Joost van den Vondcl. Practically untouched by lyrical fashion, Vondel wrote long poems in the humanistic vein of the sixteenth century, always aiming at the instruction of the audience through rhetorical means. I have begun with this sketch of some literary-historical lines of development in order to make dear that even in the sixteenth arid seventeenth century the relation between rhetoric and literature is not a firmly-established one. On the contrary, different interpretations may be assigned to this relation, depending on which view one supports ahout the object and function of literature. On the onc hand, when the specific literary quality is located in the sphere of inspiration and imagination, a relation with rhetoric exists 111 pomr of elocutio and in point of loci and arguntcnta. Vossius indicates this dearly in the first paragraph of his De «ms poetical' natura ac consiuaionc hber, referring for these aspects tu his rhetorical handbook.' But what the poet, given this conception, cannot obtain from the IIrs oratoria. are the conditions which determine the coherence, the structure of his work. Whereas for epic and tragedy this is the unity of action defined by fictional reality (the imitatiot. III the case of lyric poetry it is the ungoverned 111spirntion of the author." On the other hand, when the educnnon of the public through rberorical means IS .llso regarded as a function of literature, the poet 1S just as much concerncd with the more dialectical aspects of rhetoric, that is to say, the argumentation- and discussion-patterns that rhetoric IS also and often mainly concerned with, 111 so far as it is an argumentative theory. In relation to poetry, the importance of these aspects IS emphasized by Scaliger, again in the first paragraph of his work." Rather unjustly, at least HI the Netherlands, hardly an}' attention has heen paid by literary-historical studies to rhcsc argumentative aspects of the ars oratona. In my opinion, one of the main reasons lies in the fact that in his famous H,mdbuch der titerariscben Rhetorik, Lausherg connects poetry rather strictly with a too one-sided conception of the genus demonstratioum.

Argumentative Aspects 0/ Rhetoric

As we all know, the epideicric genre occupies a special place within classical rhetoric, in that its main function does not lie in the argumentative treatment of a point at issue, but in the ampiiticatio of established facts, with a view to pleasing the public rather than convincing it. This view, notably advanced by Arisrorle, reappears, for example, in Ciccrc's De partitionc oratoria, and VUSSlllS argues along the same lines: in his study De rheturicae natura ac constiuaione libcr unus, first published 10 1621, he asserts that the panegyric serves mainly to exhibit the eloquence of the orator to the satisfaction of the public." Lausberg's infatuation with the Part pour l'art aspect of the epideictic genre - an infatuation culminating in the italicized sentence 'Das Lob der Schonheir rst die Hauptfunknon der epideiktischen Rhetorik'» - is probably connected with his twentiethcentury conception of poetry. It induces him to print in small type everything relating to the ethical aspect of the genre, reducing it to notes,'! and to neglect the argumentative aspects altogether. Yet this was most certainly not intended by Aristotle, and even less so by VOSsrus. Aristotle even emphasizes the ethical aspects of the genre,'! and 111 his Commentariorum rhetoricorum libri sex, Vcssius says in so many words that in the ge/1US demonstratioum it is not only excellent and fluent speech but also an excellent and virtuous way of life that matters. Since, because of this, the orator is concerned with vices and virtues, Vossius claims that the genre comes close to the genus deliberatioum." This implies that the argumentative aspects of rheronc are of equal importance to the genus demonstratiuum, In fact Vossius assigns the epideictic together with both other genres to that group of truly rhetorical discourses that consider a finite question, on the basis of evidence and argumenration. He distinguishes this group from the orationes intended to appeal merely to the emotions, such as, for instance, congratulations and plaints.'!' It IS not immaterial to our argument to POll1t out that Vcssius, as a theorist of rhetoric, went so far as to emphasize the specifically argumentative character of this ars. In the Commentariorum rhetoricorum libri sex, his successful handbook of rhetoric, he dedicates by far the greatest part of the first three books to argumentative issues, and his philosophical discourse De rhetoricae natura ac consntutione liber unus may for the greater part be regarded as an elaboration of the thesis which Aristotle postulated in the opening pages of his treatise on rhetoric: 'Rhetoric is a counterpart of Dialectic"." With this, VOSSlllS continues the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century tendency to emphasize the similarities between dialectic and rhetoric. This tendency had led Ramus to the revolutionary step of relegating the whole of argumentation-theory to logic, curtailing rhetoric to a mere theory of style and recitation." Ahout half a century later, what has been called the Neo-Ciceronian Counter Rcformation'v leads in Vossius" case to an analysis which, on the basis of their similarities, specifies the differences between both disciplines on the level of argumentation. On account of the specific content, purpose, and function of rhetoric namely, to persuade the audience to adopt a certain kind of behaviour concerning a particular question, rhetorical argumentation has its own specific characteristics, not only in the sphere of emotionally-appealing means of persuasion, but also in the rational sphere.'>

12X

Rhetoric, Rhl'to,-id,ms dud Poets

VOSSllIS' rather abstract reflections in this respect need not concern us further, since in his Connnentanoruni rheroricoruni libri sex the principles of rhetorical argument

Argw>1('nt<1livc Aspects

utRhetoric

lows the principles so ardently propagated by Vossius-rhetor, namely: the drvision of the middle part of an oration into a propositio and a contentio, and the construction of the latter according to the status-theory. This applies not only to Het Lot der Zee-vaert ('In Praise of Navigation] of Ifl2.3, but also to his [/1urydinge llml het Stadthuis t' Amsterdam ('Inauguration of Amsterdam Town Hall') of t655, and his Zeemagazyn ('Marlnc-Arsenal') of ]658.'" That is, it applies to poems that were written after Vossius had come up with his view on the division of labour between poetry and rhetoric in his literary-theoretical works, published in 1647, and this in spite of the fact that Vondel and he were personal acquaintances.

For the purpose of demonstration, J will now gtve a survey of the argumentative construction of the ltuovdinge flan het Stadthuis t' Amsterdam, the 1378line poem written by Vondel when the new Amsterdam town hall came into use, and which appeared on that occasion in the form of a booklet of 44 pages. \0 To Start with the most general dlVIS\On: Vondel's poem consists indeed of an exordium, a propnsitio, a contentio and a peroratio, the parts that Vossius considers to be essential. I will not go into all the ethical and emotional arguments adduced 111 the exordium, in order to render the public attentum and, above all, beneuo!um, because they do not immediately contribute towards a better understanding of the rational argumentation. One rational function of the exordium, though, does concern us, namely the docifem parare, informing the public what the poem will be about. Vondel indicates that his subject will be the town hall, civil authority, and the annual fair, and all this in praise of Amsterdam. Thus, he presents, as I will demonstrate in what follows, the different subjects that constitute the material of his argumentation. In fact, all three subjects return III abstracto in the following propositio. ThIS propositio presents a general thesis, as is the case in all of Vondei's panegyrics that I have analysed. ln this particular case, it is a compound thesis which posrulares that: (a) human weakness necessitates authority, and that, therefore, a town hall as seat of the government exists for the good of the community; and (b) that people may continue practising their trade and conducting their business, if the government is on the alert for enemies from without, and that a town hall may therefore be regarded as a house enclosing a thousand other houses. Thus, two items that form the components of the argument, propagate, in the form of a syllogism, the necessity for a town hall, namely: public authority, and the community defined in terms of economic activity. Hence, the conclusion that the town hall may be regarded as the town's heart. Five instances of other republicae arc adduced as the Inductive proofs of this proposition. ,. This leaves Vondcl to demonstrate that the concrete instance: the Amsterdam town hall, meets the above-argued criteria, namely: that it is an adequate seat of a reliable civil authority, and that it is the stimulating centre of community life. The contentir, which now follows is entirely dedicated to this argumentation, and apart from eight lines forming the peroratio, it monopolizes the rest of the poem. Thus, the argumentative middle part of VondeJ's poem does indeed dis-

, )0

Rh"tori" Rhetoricians "lid /'""ts

play the construction of an cptchctrcrna, be it one of an extremely complex structure.

Vossius in particular emphasizes that one of the reasons for making a distinction between rhetoric and dialectic, is the fact that rhetoric deals with indi-

vidual concrete, instead of general abstract issues." For the sake of argumentalion of such an individual issue, the rhetoricians have in fact derived specific

rhetorical/od from the dialectical/od ccmmuncs,s As examples of loci speciales helonging to the eulogy of buildings, Quintilian mentions honour, utility, beauty, and the makers or founders, whereas Vossius in his survey of these loci emphasizes in particular the archirecronic qualiries.» All these loa may be found in the contentio of Voudel's lnwydinge. But the striking thing is that bevidev these loci, we also come across loci belonging to the eulogy of cities. These loci, the history, the situation, and geography of the city uf Amsterdam - mentioned by both Quinrilinn and Vossius as the specific loci belonging to the city-Iaus" arc the ones that constitute the lion's share of the poem, especially early in the argumentation. In this Van del may have followed an example. For 111 one of the most familiar Latin translations of Aphthonius' Progymnasmata, there figures a poem that hears a clear resemblance to the tiuoydinge, as far as its structure according to the loci belonging to the eulogy of cities and buildings is concerned. I have 1Il lTIlJ1d the sixteenth-century translation of Rodolphus Agricola and johannis Maria Carunaeus which, annotated by R. Lorichius, was published in Amsterdam no less than seven times between \(>42 and 166'). In this translation, a great many examples have heen added tu Aphthonius' text, one of them a panegyric in praise of .\1arburg University, entitled Encomium Marpurgensis Academiae, in which the construction according to loci is indicated In the margin.'" But the very resemblance between the Encomium and the lnwvdinge makes the differences all the more significant. The structure of the Encomium is dictated by not much more than the order in which these loci epeaatee are presented by Quiurilran. By means of the eulogistic arguments derived from these loci, we are presented with an enumeration of the moral and material qualities of town and academy, while there IS no question of an argumentative structure m terms of 'since ... therefore'. Thus this sixreenth-ccutury Encomium IS indeed one long ampliticatic. conforming to the precepts of the nonargumenrativc genus deutonstrati/mm. ,c The absence of something like a un iversal thesis presented in a propositio; against the background of which all these argumenta might he given an argumentative function, IS also indicative of the non-argumentative character of this poem. In Vondel's case, on the other hand, these same loci do follow the order of a certain argumenrarive structure, so that his contentio indeed represents an argumentation. This structure is in fact that of the different status. Argumentation is called for when there IS a quaestio, that is to say, in this case, when the praisewurrhmess of the object may be called in question. This holds good most certainly in the case of the Amsterdam town hall, an enormous and expensive object of prestige. \~ Vondel comes forward with the objections that could be made against the budding only towards the end of his poem: the size and splendour of the building supposedly bear witness to too much confi-

Argnmentatiuc Aspects of Rhetoric

'3 '

dence in the favours of changeable fortune. But all I J 94 preceding verses unticipate the refutation of this proposition, so that when the objections are actually raised, the reader or listener IS sufficiently indoctrinated to discredit these starements and to go along with the ensuing positive proposition.w The gist of the argument is that the municipal authority of Amsterdam, as the representative of God on earth, IS itself best qualified to consider what degree of sumptuousness (the locus of beauty) befits the venerability of its own seat of government, and subsequently, it is argued that the many tasks that have to be accomplished by the authorities for the benefit of the community necessitate such an enormous building (the locus of utility). Although expressed only towards the end of the poem, it is necessary for the argumentative analysis to keep in mind that this is what has to be proved: the assumptio of the epicheirema. Two lines of argumentation may he derived.s'' in terms of which it has to be demonstrated that the Amsterdam town hall is indeed an adequate seat of the municipal government of Amsterdam. Only afrer this has been proved, can the praiseworthiness of the municipal government of Amsterdam be brought forward m order to demonstrate also the honor of its seat. The criteria for this praiseworthiness are set down in the propceiuo. They are the maintenance of order within the community, and the outward defence of the community. Concerning the praiseworthiness of the Amsterdam town hall itself, the first compound question that may be raised by a critical mind is: is the town hall mdeed the functional centre of the town, and is it indeed the result of a correct decision of the municipal authorities. These questions belong to the level of the status coniecturalis, and each has its own sub-status. The question whether the Amsterdam town hall IS indeed the functional centre of the town, immediately invites the counter-question just how the functional centre of the town should be defined. Thus, Vondel's contentio begins with a bird's-eye view of the history of Amsterdam (a locus belonging to the city-Iaus), demonstrating how the situation of the different historical town halls was functionally changed in accordance with the economic development of the town from fishing-village, via centre of regional trade, to trading metropolis. At present, anno J655, the new town hall is situated on the Dam Square, the great market-place, centre of the international trading empire (the locus of the situation of a town, belonging to the city-Iaus). A similar procedure is followed where the second part of the question is concerned. The question whether the building of the town hall is indeed the result of a correct decision of the authorities, invites the counter-question as to just how that decision was effected and earned through. In answer to this, Vondel traces briefly the course of events during the planning-stage, and demonstrates how, due to the steadfastness of the municipal authorities, and despite a great many setbacks, the building of the town hall proceeded. It is a highly-coloured account, evidently doing violence to the true course of events,v but not to such an extent that for a more general puhlic the story deserves no credit at all. So here we are with the town hall on the Dam Square. Nevertheless, this does not mean that Vondel considers the subject dosed, because a critical reader might object that the Dam Square is not the centre of the town as defined above,

I') 2.

Rh",,,,.;,,, Rh,'!ori,-;a"s a"d 1'''''ls

and that the building of the town hall JOt;S not adequately reflect the decision and perseverance of the municipal government. In answer to these potential ohjcctions, Vondcl starts with a description of the Dam Square as both nrchirecronic and functional centre of the town (again a focus belonging to the city-Ialls), and continues with a description of the building activities, under the mspu-iug guidance of the architects. It is un answer on the level of the status [initionis; concerned with the precise definition, and for which Ciccro recommends the description as an adequate means.r- Only when these potential objections have been answered have both parts of the Issue been settled. And only now is the disl:USSlOn of the town hall on the level of the status coniecturalis brought to a sarisfactory conclusion: everything indicates that it IS indeed both the functional centre of the town, and the result of a correct decision on the part of the municipal authorities. Although, by now, we have reached verse (i I L, we have not yet even glimpsed the town hall itself. The lines of argumentation followed meant that first, all kinds of other matters had to come up for discussion, su that for those who do not see through the argumentative structure, the poem may create the impression of a rambling chaos. The needs of the trading town (the annual fair of the exordium), and the capacities of the city-council (the civil authorities of the exordium), arc indeed the qualities that determine the praiseworthiness of the town hall. Here, Vondel arrives at a kind of intermediate conclusion, anticipating the status quulitatis. In this conclusion, on the basis of utility, beauty and venerability {the loci belonging to the taus of buildings) both lines of argumentation come together

Arglllilelll<'li"" AS/JeLls 0/ Rhetoric

13}

With respect to this argumentation, 1 hope J hJv~ demonstrated rhat Vondel's lessons in logic had a fruitful result. It would appear that Vossius' tendency to emphasize the argumentative character of rhetoric leads, in the case of some of vcndel's poetry, to a more distinctly argumentative framework, as compared with sixteenth-century literary texts. At the same time, he seems in this respect to be runnmg counter to the seventeenth-century literary trend, codified by the same Vossius, which wanted to liberate poetry precisely from the dictates of thercricnlargumcntation.

Notes

The Rhetoric of Ronsard's 'Hymne de l'Or' {Talk given ,It the sixth conferen<;e of rh", int",rnati()n~1 S()~i~ty for the l-li<;tory "f Rhetoric, TOllrs-)'o;tins, '5-W July I ';JR].)

4 5

Pierre de RonsarJ, Oemm's cmnplhes, ~d. Palll Lallrnonier, R vols., Paris 19.15, p. xvi. Michcl Dassonvillc, 'Element, pour line definition de I'Hymne Ron,ardien', in: IhMi· otheq"e d'Hummlisme et Renai,oa1lU' 2.4 (J96L), p..q; I consulted thl' reprint of rhis ;lrtide in: Madckinl' LIzard cd., Autour des 'Hvmncs' de Ronsard, Gcneve 1984, p. 1-}2. euy Dcmerson, La M)'thu/ogie dassiquc dans I'o<'twre Iyriqlle de la 'l'lii"d,,", Gencve '')]2, p. 40]; see also Guy Dcmcrson, 'La Mythologic des Hymnes", in: AutOllr de> 'H)'lIllles'de Rons"rd, p. 103- r 43. R"n>ard, Hynmes, cd. Albert Py, (jencvc 197~, p. 46. jean happicr, 'L.'[nspirar'''1l bibliquc Cl thcologiquc de Ronsard dans L'H)'m"e de la JU$nee', in' Mi!ange$ d'his!oirc littcrairc de la Renaissance otiens Cl Henri Chamanl, Pari, 195', p. !n-IO~, esp. 105; J~an happier, 'Tradition et actualite dans L'Hy"me de I'Or de Pierre de Ronsard', in: Literary History a"d Literary Criticism: Acts of the Ni"t" Congress, intemationa! Federation for Mod,'rn l-angwlKes and Literature, ed. Lcon Edd, :-Jew York '965, p- 126-, 41, C5P, 130-'3 ,. In: Literary History a"d !.Jlerary Criticism, p. '4.1-149. See also ;"l.F. Verdier, ';\ l'ropos d'un~ c()nrroVCrSe wr l'Hvmnc de l'Or de Pierre de RonsarJ', In: Bib/iolh,;q",. d'Humanism" <,I R"n"i5StIIICe .15 (, 0113), p. 7-18, Jean-Uaud~ Margolin, 'L'Hymne de l'Or et son ambiguuc", Ill: Hihliotheq"" d'Hllma""l11ect Rcnaiss,mce 28 (19(6), p. 2.71-2.93 (287 and 290"291). Alcx L. Gordon, Ronsard et la Rh,ftoriquc, GeneV<' 1'170, p. 7°-71; Terence Cave, The Comncopian Text: !'rob!em5 of Writing in lhe French Renaissance, Oxford 1979, p. 23.'2.>7.

See ai,,, my anicle 'Sculiger en Hollaudc', p. ,65"1(,6, in Aaa Scaligeriana: Ades du Colloque internalional [ules.Ccsar Scaliger : cd. J. Cubeher de BeyJ1dC and M ..\lagnien, Agen 19~6, p. '57"' (,9· lal,,, in rhis volume I 0.1'- Hardi'ol1, The FndurinR Monument: A S/!Id)' of the Idea of Praise ill ReHai:iSallCe Ulerar)' Theory and I'raclia, Chapel Hill Ne 196~, p. 195-197; A. Lcigh DeNeei, 'Fpideictic Rhetoric and the R~naissallCC Lyric', in: The .Ir>llmal of Medie~'al and Renaissance

Studies 3 (1973), p- 203 -23 " csp11

~04-22 J.

J-e. Scaliger, /'octin'$ IilJri scptem. Faksimilc-Neudruck dcr Allsgahe ""n Lyon. Ed. A. Buck, Srurtgart ~n;., '9(,4, Ill. ~O), p. 157: 'Cum omne genus orationi, ad dclibcruriuum rcduxerimus: fini~ enim iudicii est Justitia. lusritia ab eleai"nL Elcerio iJ dehbcruncne. Item [.audationis fini" imitatio: rum superiora (i.e. cap. '0"'04: occasional pieces such as epithalamia, propemptica, crc.j, rum haec ipsa, quac deinccps rcccnscbimus (i.e., cap. 105-12.,: horratory. persuasive and laudatory genres) ,uh deliberandi gencre ~QntinebulI tur'. S~c also L 1, p. 2- J. See Brian Vi~kcrs, 'Epidcicuc and Epic in the Renaissance', p. ,04- 507, in, R"nai"""a I.iteralure ami Comemrnrary Them')'. New l.iterary Hi3tor)' 14 (1981J, no. 3, p- 497'517'

S~align,

JlI.

T I ';-1 I

to, p. 1"'-1-1 (,.j.

H,';nri,h ].;l\"lwrg, Halld/",,.h dcr iiteranscben Rhe/ori/.:, :\hinch<:1l 19(,0, V"I.I, ~(,~, I'. I +~-l 4'). I rder to this hook ill thc' ca'e of ,uch uniHTs"lIy JL~q1t('d can-gorics rhar ROIl-

., "",

'''rd co"ld h.,\,e' iOllnd them ill a,,)' work ",hat,never on Lau,bng, .'.74-277. p. I ,(;-j ,H, "11d' (,4. p_ 5H. Lauvbcrg, ,_,;, p- IH6,

Lau,hng,

p. 1(,4.

p. '4',.1- III Th~ T6th cenrurv. this division i, rrcarcd at length, for l'Xampk hy R\ldolrh i\gri,ola in hi, De 11II.'('I1tirme Diatecnc«; n1. Alard", A"I1I,rdr LJ"m,,,. Colo"n,- I 'i.1Y, Chuprer 16, p. l,H-l<;9' 'Altna diu"i" '>ralion;" L'! quid ,it expositio. quid tall,hng,

l,~'!,

rhctori~

~(,~,

argumcntatio' .' La\lShl'rg.~n-2,1'.P. 127-!.l.H,S"c'Sc"lign, IlL 10,,1'.• ,lo: • L1U,blTg, 4,0, p. ~.'(,' l.auvbcru. 4,\~-4,;9, 1'. ~;(,-~,,'). 1Jcornerso", I,a ,\'lvllw!

de Rheinri,,! in dt' Rc""i,.',,,,,-,,, Nicuwkoop 19.';7, p, [,17, q~-J4,;, [4')'] 5 [,1')4-197. Donaid Lcmcn Cbrk. "Illt Rise anJ Fall of Progvmuasmaru in Sivtccurh ctnd S<'Vent~(·,1th Ccnturv Cranlln.tr Schools', in' S/wc,-h .1I1o)J()!

lJist.rc Pmg)'/1/>lilSlll!lta. l'Jrtim ~ I{od. Agricoln. parrim ,1 I" . .\l"ri'l C:at"n,w,' lannirarc donat.r. Cum lunllt-Ilti, et vtilihll' in eadem ,(holii, Reinhardi I.oriehii I ladam.un. Parisiis J'i7, The fir,r printing is dared r 54~; an C'xpan
Frarrln, 'Tradition l'l a,'walitl" (nOl<: 51, p. .\1"rgolill, THYl1111t de ]"()r', r. ~~ J -~9 .,.

l,'~-I,'.1 .

,\'oln

From Disputation to Argumentation: The French Morality Play in the Sixteenth Century

\X!erner 1IeII11i~h, Die Allegoric im (ranzi;sisc{,en rheoter des I.,. 'lnd 16. [abrbundcrrs, Tiihingen 1'176. Zeitschritt (iir rolllanische ['hiloloRie, Beihcfr 156, passim. Abn L Knight, Aspects of Gellre in lale Medin'al /'re",h Drama. Manchester 1985, p. 5 7-n. Joel B. Alnnan, The Tudor /'Ia)' of !..1iml. Rhelorica1 Inquiry and the Development of F.1ic,Ibeth,m Dramn. Bcrkdl'J' 1978, p. ,8-34. Marijkc Spies, 'Op de '-Juc<;cye... O,'er de strucruur VJIl rsc-ccuwsc zinnespden,' De "iell-

we ta.iigide 83 (1990), p. 159-150. Hdmich, Die AlI"Roric, p. 164-170. Hdrnic:h, Vie AII"g(Jrit', p ..'~ and '75-177. TIll" text is publi,hcd in M(Jralith; (r

19 Ho,I'113-4 20.

Helrnich, Di<, AI/egoric', p..,1, 1~3"~4, and 18~. The text i, published in: G. Cohcn.

M)'sler",; et moralite, du "''''''tScript (,17 de Chant ill)'. Paris 1,)20, p. 41-77. I-Idrnich, Die AII"gor1(', p ..,l and I HI-18" Thc text i, published in Mm"lih;s frilll",is<'>

]'1S0, "4 2.\-Hlll.

1'-

1.1

CL Anrhonv Kenny and jan Pinborg, 'McJicvall'hilo>ophicJI Lilcrarllre,' The C""iJridR" Histon' o( tater Mediel'all'/!I!oso/Ihy, From the Rcdiscouery o( Arist"lle to Ih,. f)isin/('gr,lli"" o( S,-IJOla,ticsm, I 1 00- j 600, z d. cd., cd. Norman Kr<:llmann, AnrllOn)' Kel11p and Jan Pinhorg, <:"mhrid!(e 1~84, p. '1-4l; csp. l'). Martin Crobmoun. Dir Gcs'-!,i,-hte del sC/"'!(ISIi;.ch"n Metl","", part l , Di" seh"/,,,ti,d]( Mr:thodr im la. IlIJd l)egi""c"deII ! {. !,lIJrIJillld/....t, lnJ ~d. Berlin 1957, p. z z i . H. WJlrcr, D,I, Streitgedicht ill der 1,lt"ini,chc" Litcrarur de, Mit/dalters. Munchcn 1') ~O, p. '7-2'). I-:,J. ,\--Uder, Der St"eit des "rijchter t.ioucs', Zur Ccsctncbte cinl:" allegoriscfJ,."

Moth,s. Hern, Frankfurt ''171, p. 14-.14, 41-4l, and 1('). Kenny and Pinborg, "Medieval Plulosophicul Literarurc', p.

~(,7-~(,,:!.

Gr;1bmnnn, Die Gesdn',-iJte, ~:42\-4l') and 495 -\29. Kcnnv '111.1 I'inborg, 'Medieval Philosophical Lircrurute", p. 2l-24 and .\0-3." (j rnhrnanu, Die Gt'schi(/ltc, l:4l7-4 ~H.

l''-!or"lites [mncaiscs; r: I-H4, and .,:267'.; 12. M(Jr

lioth,'qllt' d'lmmanismc et renaissance '-4 ( 1 ~6ll, 14

282-3.1 8. 17

III

Then' arc: l-a Fraec des Tbeotogastrcs tea. [5 2;'~':!)' (Moralites [r.mcaiees.; -,: 1-9); Marhieu Malingr c, Moralit,; de la ,'vlal"die de Chrcsticnte (, 5Bed.) (Aloralit,'s (nm,,,i'i<'5, 3'15-108); La ,'eri/{; Cacbee (c«. 153.,-34 ed.) IMoralit<,s (r"lI,ais<'" 3:1' 1-I1(H); CoIllcdh; du Papc M'llild1' rt tirant ,i Id Fit, {1561 cd.) (Moralit,;s [rancaiscs; ,:191-~(4); Henry de BJrrJn, Tragiqllt' Comedie h"",<1ise ,It' I'H",,,,,,1' iusti(i,; l!

oli, 'La rctonca c la culrura del Rinascimcnro,' RheturiC Agri-

Rhetoric, kl",lo,-icia>15 and Poet, co!ct/'In-isi", 1.J44·qHj, ed. F. Akkenllan anJ A.J. V~I1JeriJgt.l'rocel'di"g$ "(11,,, IlIln""Iio"/I/ C""(",,.,,,",,, (;roningell 198,. LeiJen '9Hll, .1,';'.17; ('sp. 4.1. anti rhe olJer litcr,,wre mel1lioned rhcrc. -'-0 C:ogan, 'RodolphllS Agricob', p. 17(,'1 ~4. ~ 1 Ci. ior instan~~ .\1~Ll11th0l1 1 ~4(" 'D~ confutarione.' col. 454-4.,5. -'-~ M",.,,{it,;s (rlll",-,li5':';, .,,,,ix; text on p. 4~ 1-.\~4· ~5 Thrs impli,·" I think, J countcrnrgumenr to jardinc's statement that 'Agricola's dialectical "nu-thod'' was adopted .... hut ... not /mu'lisi'd'. Sec jar-dine 19811, 5(,. :4 (:i. ior instance. Melanrhon 1~4(;, col. 4l4-42H. -'-.\ Ci..\brc van Jcr Poel, I)" 'ded"lIIdtio'IIi; de IJlm"mi,I,,". Bi;drage tot de swdie ran de (IIII<'Ii"s "'Ill de ,.hcloriw i" dc '-("II"i5'''''«(", Nicuwkoop 1987, /iassim (with an extensive ,llllllllary III Englishl.

Between Epic and Lyric. The Genres in j.C. ScaJiger's Poetices Libri Septem Ikrnard \'I;'einb<:rg, 'S~aliger Ye""s Ari,totle on I'ocncs.' !v!",Jcnr I'i!i/"!,,gy .' 'I

r. 3:\7-.,60, csp-

94 1'421,

,('0.

F"",\"i, I.~en~k, '!.J ",mplll,ion raxinomiquc: Scaliger er la th~orie J~, genr~s.' L, St

;-71, csp. (,4,6,. 1(, Sc""ligt'r, l'ncli,."S.I.I. p. I. col. : E, ;HId I.,. p..,. col. I D. Cf. rt',p. Ar;,wtle, !'oelio IX., I' +.\ 1hi. and Ciccro, Pro A,-cl!J
",I.

I.,

(,X,

I H SGlliger, I'ndin'~, 111.1, p. 8o-S1; d. JI,o VlI.~, p. :>+7,~',,1. 1 A·D. ['I Sc"lig~r.I',,(.'/i(e~, VII.~, p. H7, col. , A-B. ~o S~"lig~r, p,,('/ifC;, Ill. 2-q, p. 1l.1- 1I.,. ~, Scoligcr. rf,elias, [11.2.\, p. u Ct. "I", I,X-'t'inberg. 'Sc,ligcr ,'ers", Aristotle.' 1'. .153 ~1 S~Jlig~r, Poe/ice;, 111.1, p. Ro,col. , A.

'I.,

,'\{otes

, 39

Sculigcr, Poetias, IlI.2.5-lH, p. rr j 12.0 {tile' four qualities). and 2.9-95, p. 120 144 (the figures) . .!.,i Scaligcr, Pocticcs, IlI.l8, p- IT9, col. 2. C. .!.6 Scaligcr, Pceticci, 1lI.96, p. 144, col. I A;d. also 1.3, p- 6, col.u A. 27 Scafigcr, Poeticcs, 11[,124, p- 169, col. I C. and IIl.Il5, p- 169, col. 2 B. Cf. also [.44, p47, col. , B,D. 2.8 S<.:aliger, /'oethT>, III.\H;' p- 144, LO!. A, ,.,. 2.9 S<.:~ligcr, /'oetin'>, lI!.\H', p. '44, cO!. B'2 A. 30 Scaligcr, Poelices, VIIL" p. HH, col. , A-B. 3 j Scaliger, Poet ices, IIl.Il4, p- 169, col. I Cl 3. F S<.:aliger, Poetices, 1.6, p. 'l, col. , A'I, Cl. Aristotle, Poetics, VI1.6-7 (145Ia). For this passage on [he dramatic genres I am greatly indebted to Mreke B. SmilS-Veldt, who ill her study Samuel Cosier. cthicue-didacticus: een onderzoek naar dramatische op zct ell n",rel" instnu;;tie uan Tthy>, P,,/yxen

,[11.97,P' '45, co!. ,D. \9 Scaliger; !'Oe/hT>, 111., 10, p. [6 I, ~ol., A-D. 40 0.1>. Hardison, The Endming lI-1ollument; A Study of the Idea of I'rai'ie in Renaiss,/II({, t.iterary Thcory and I'ractia'. Chapd Hill J962, esp. p. 195-I\lH; A. l.eigh DeNeef, 'Epidcicric Rhetoric and the Renaissance Lyric' The j",mwl of J'vledin'al and Renaissance Studies 3 {l\1n), p. W3-2.j', e,p. 2'1'212; Brian vickcrs. 'Epideicric and Fpi~ in the Rcnaissuuce.' New Literary f-1i5trJry 14 (I ')8, J, p. 4'0'7' 53 7, esp. S08. 4' CL D~N(d, 'Epidcicric Rhetoric,' p- ~05-2.07 and Vi(ker" 'Epidcidic and Epic,' p. 'i06l4

42 43 44

507. DcNcef 'Epiderctic 94-'16.

Rhetori~',

p. ~I l; d. also Leccrclc, 'La compulsion wxinomi'lllc.' p.

S~~lige[,l'octi(f>,IIL'05,P·IF·lS8,

Cf. Mark D. Jordan, 'Ancient l'hilo,ophic Prorrcptic and the Problem of Persua,;v( (;"n-

res.' Rhelorica 4 (I \186), p. 30\1-.13" esp- , ''\'' 16. Scaligcr, I'oelias, III.'05,P. 'p,co!. I D. 4~ Scaliger, I'Oetice5, 1.1, p. 2., col. l 1'1- p. 3, col. I C. 47 Scaligcr, ['oetices, ilL [ 01, p. 150, col. lA. CL also Mnrijkc Spi~s, 'Sculigcr en Hollandc.' Ac/'/ Scatigcnana 198~, p. I57-! "9, esp. p. 165'J 66. Sc~ also this volume, chapter 4· 48 S~JIiger, Pocticcs, 111.101, p- 1.\0, col. 2. C-D. 4'1 S~aliger, Poeticcs, 111.10\1, p. 1 ~o. 50 Cf. Maruke Spies, 'La Rhewrique de r Hvmnc de [,Or de R"n'>ard.' Rhetorica 7 (1\l~\I), p. 15')- I 70, esp. 160-162. Sec also this volume, <.:hapter I.

Scaliger in Holland

CL Heesakkers, Praecidanca Dousmw: Maten

Rl!elor;c, !{I!"f"riciall, and ['oet,

'40

,1",HlIle, hlllgerll', .';)'11'" car"""'''JI (elc.). l.lLgJUlllHn Ihtavorulll " H.\, p. (,I)·(n. I',nol Diho", 1.'FIJ,eigllelJlenl !,hi!o>(J!,!Jiqlf<' l
Se'", J.-\. \'an l)()rsr~l1, 1'0<'1" [,<,trim, ""d /'r"ins(Jrs: Sir j)hili/, ."id"!,,,, 1),,,,i,.{ R(Jger" ,md 11-,,, I.,'id,," UI/mcmists. LC','Jen a",ll.ondol1 [ispllt;1tion h~ld at I,~ydcn ll[]i\'~r';t,', 2" F~hrHar,., '5')~. 'I'he,c, ""d dciC'll<':o. Fdit~d "nd inrroduccd hI' .\1. ,'an ,~tr""t~n. L",-,lLn 1')5.1', p. 5~-5-, Jnd (,[. \'o"i1's, ! ,'"i,'(.'r",Ii, f,hilrJ5<Jj,"i",. 'A ~p(J)rrlpl(~OP()', 'lntroJll<;tion'. p. 17_ I quote from the third edition: Gn;lrdllO lull. vossius. Or,l!ori,lmm iJl,/ilutiOllll111 /tlni

sex, Fdirio n-rria tctc.}, l-runcoforti 1616, and the dedrcarion. p, (li 6 recto and c'h'l)lll'''' L 1 \1', .!.I-:J and V. .!. 11'. .!.<)'Ji; ,IT al,o l., ip, J 4') and Vl \p..~ 15). )_H, Mrrcr, Ill' lilt'l'ilire Iheori<,iiJlI-\m [hmid llei'l>'im (etc.), Am'terdam ")75, p. [70'7(' ,111.1 p. 20(,-20X.

D.,nil'1 Hein,ius, ') lymlllLs oft l.of-'Jnd,

qn B

p_ 1\,--1 recto-verso IDanid I le"l'"

!". """'d"nl'n'lgh,, f'''('JI",I,I, Faksimilcdruck nach dcr Ersr.rusga be "on, (, t 6, Eel, Il.lrlura B"d,cr-C"marHlo, Bern '';IX." In th" l'rd"Lc to th~ rr"f\<'dr 1:;,71",11", written in collaboration with the poet Pc. Iloo!t 1~,l[ll11d (:ostn, W'erkcn, ed. leA, Kollcwijn. Haarlern 188." p.;Ol\. Th. Roclcnhurf\h, /·:);/(.'lIli('l" {'odells Ilors/-,(-,,'ring", Amsterdam 1619, p, H, --1,~, 45, and --1~. Se'"~

", 17

S.F. \Vitqc'in, H""""I'Il ell ''''II'I'rki''g''l(.'ii~c 1'<111 de nntlcendc !!.ededl"" ill /{"d"/JImrgl" r:);/('lllicr" 1'"i'/c>IS lJursl-1<'crmgh. Amsterdam 19(,4, p. )'(\' (:'lIl'tantijll Huygens, {)a;;"-II/crd·. cd. 1'.[ .. Zwaan. Asscn 1)'7~, p. I ~ 7 "nd 2(, [ Sec I Sncngh"it, Hu\'g<,11,-s/lIdiiill le/c). Amstcrd.uu 1976.1'. 16B and 17~. The qllot,nion " lrom tht' Si"th Book of l'o"lic,., lil,,; wplel!!, l.yons, 1,(, r, p. j a j . D, I l. Silli r. '(lb.m 11,.,.m,~' erek I ,f 9:C- I I,,f (,. Am'tc' ,-d,,," 19 ,n, p, ~ ~ and ; B.

,'
In the prcbc'l's to i."eifa 1'(,.1'4). :;a/I>IOI"'IIS 1'(,57),./<'/,/1"1 11619i. and Ko!!i,,); bli/m:; I, J (,('01. AhLl'ward, Vond~1 111~lltions S<':;lli~", in hi, defence of the thC'llrl' 'liHilIed,,-j,il/ 1166 t i dnd in th~ illtmdlLLtioll to hi, trJIl,Ltti"H 01 (hid\ ,\'I1'/(I"'"r"I"'5<'s 11 6:- t), \1;'.,\,1'. Smit, V.m {'"s("" 101 ,,,"',!<,h (<,le), \'(,!. [, Zwol!c '',lIlo, p. [~-I,l and p. ~7. S~c "I,,,

\'\/.A.I' Sill it, Het Ncderlendse renaissance-uvnee! ill, {JrlJli!eem 1'!I Iddk U()or de lita,IIIIIJI'"",I",.i,'. '-\l11stndalll 1964, p. ~~, J \';111 d~1l Vondel, Wakl'''. cd. .1-1'.1\1. Stc'Tk er al., 1'01 VIII. Amstcrd,11l1 t9,n, p, ~i,; Scc' "I", VoL V (t)'.\1 J, p, 71,-7 t4. Smu, 1/1'1 :"'I'd"r/",,,I,," r('".,i5:;,,"«'-lo"(.'1'I, 1'. , z- J 4_ .-\. Kccrsmackcr-s. 'Drit .-\m'lcrd"Il1'~ liedho,'~en '(,02- J(' I 5. Doorhruak van de rcnai,-

""":C'" ne "if((((,C I'lill,~ids 74 Thc di,tilldio" i, not a,

d~",

f I<)H LI, 1', '2' ',n. as I present it hac, [an Starter's volume of I'0etl'\', Friesctrc

1",/·1)11/ i [('2'). h", "It the cbarucrcnstics ut an amllOlo/

Cats, Pmlell, i [(, rH), (; ..-\. Brvdcro. 1l{)('I'li);b. liJI,''''''I,' ,'''',I/ori,1 11(,1I J~ Danid I kin,iu" ,"-:'<,dc",fuylsclie /1"""1<1/., I' (, 11,); .1;1"01> van Zn'C'cotl-' .I\,'/'dcrd"ylsd", ,ItC"tt'lI {11.~6J,

NOlcs 27 ~l:l

2';)

.14 1

\Vilh the exception of Cars, who wrote emblems. Sec P, Tuvnman, 'J)~ ~on,;, Vall rn~torik~ ~n Hoofrs vroege poczte'vIn: Uyt liefde gcschre(/ell. .\I"di", (,,-'(."r /I[)(,(I (.,8 J - J 9N I, nl. E,K. C;roO!~, n al., Groningcn I98 I, p. 11-27. ()Vi."r-ys,("/,ch,. sclngen en dic!iu'l I J 6301. The dedication i, only in the se~ond edition r 161+1.

.1 2

,-' .14 '-'

,6 ,7

Pc. Hootr. Cedichten. Ed. jacob vander Burgh, Am,rerdnm 1636. ! think "t the collective cdinon Parnassus '''IIJ r'Y, puhlished by ,I an Zocr I I 6611 J.nd of Jan l.uvkcn's volume of Dn-asc lie>" (1(-,71) in which we distinguish a remil1i,(m~~ ofthi' principle of arrangemcnt. Rocmer Visschcr, Brahhcling. Amsterdam 1 6J 4. Thoma' S~billet, Arl p"hique (tal1l;o)'s, 11.1-1 I; joachim du Bcllay, La de((cnU! et i1l1l51rali,m ,k·la lalIguc fran~o)'sc, 11.4; jacqucs Pclcner du Mans, Cart poetiquc, 11.., . More or less comparable to Vissch"'r\ volum~ i, thc po,thumous volume oi a number of poem, of C.A. Brcdero, brought our ill J6.!.0 by his publi,her as Nederd"ylsche ri;me". Consrunrijn Huygens, Otiorum Jibri sex. l'o;;"1i1I" l'arii serm<JIli;, ;tili, argnmenti {l (, 25). ]. ,."" den Vondd, V"n;,'heide gedicl,te" (1(,44), J. We,tt'rb"en, C;,·did,te" (r(,57; combination); J. Six van Chandelier, ['O(:;\' 1'''57; Si,h" jt'<:t matterl; COI1'tantijn Hu}'r;cns Korcn.hlocmen (16 5H; subject matter); Jan V"s, All" d,' g,'dichlen (1('6~; u,mhinarion); [un Zoel, j)'uitsleel.:e",1e digl/.:lmslig,,· wake" (,675; sllhi~ct mattcr); J. Voll~nh()v~l\, ['0;;2Y (I 686~ rhcroriceb: G. Brandr, 1'(Ji'zy I1 66H; rh~wr ical}.

,8 .19

~onst van rherorikc cn Ho"tl, vroege poczie', passim . O,B. Hard-son, The Enduring AilrmU/ne"l: A sl",l)' of the ide. o( praise i'l Renaissance Jilerarv theoryand practice. Chapel l-lilllNC) 1962, p. J9(,-19H; A. Leigh De Neef 'Epid~i~ ti~ Rhetoric and the Renaissance l.yric, The j"umal o( /vledie!!al and Renaissance Studies

Sec Tuvnman. 'De

.l (I')n), p. 20.1-2,1; Bnan vickcrs, 'Fpidei<:tic· ,11lJ Epic in tht' Renaissance'. in: RC''''i;;s,,,,ce I ,ileralllre a"d (."o"lemfJOrdry Theory. Nell' literary Hi,l"ry '4 (I ')8., I, p, 497- i ' i, esp. p. SOl-SoH. Sec ,1.C. Scaliger, l'o("/in'sli/m 5el,le1ll. Fak similc-Neudruck der Allsgah~ von Lyon, )61. Ed. A. I';uck, SturtgcUt c·te. J9(,4, 111.(05, p. 157:

"I", I.,. r. 2-.,. 41

Sc~lig~r,

D",N~d.

4.' +4

Scaliger, P"etias, Ill. JOI {I'. (501. S~~ for c'xampk caput r09, p. r .\\.>-160, wh~rl' he ~i\'l's structural rules for th~ laudator,

4 <; 46

genres. Scaliger, l'oetires, Ill. lOO {p. I <;01. Sec also Quinril i,HWS, I"stituli" oraloria, X, iii, 1(,-19. Scaliger,I'(J('liw>, Ill. 124"J 2(i, p. J(i9-17I. TIlt' last ~h"pln, Ill. J27, is dcvotcd to the ti-

47 4~

Poctices, IlI.!OI rp. 1501- 113 {p. 1(,9)· 'r.piJeiltic Rhetoric and the Renaissance

Lyri~',

1', 21 I" 2I 2 and p. 2 I 9.

tle of th~ work. S~aliger, Poetias, Ill. 1~+ 11'. r(9); 126 (p. 170). Scaliger, l'Oe/i'TS, Ill. 96, p. 144:' Tota igirur ecr in l'o~,i, Epica ratio illa, qua Heroum genus, vita, gcsra dCSlrihulllur, princeps esse videtur; "d cui", rarioncm rcliquae Pocscos

4\.>

partes dirigantllr. (eU.)'. Sec :"I.A. S~hc"hve'ld-van

c:lundl'1icr', De "icl/we taa/gid, 72 (1979), p. ,19t - -' 98, csp. p. 3';14- 3';) 5· Ja~ohu, Ponruuus, P"cricamm i"srit"tiol1um lihri tre,. Fillsdem T)'rocilliul1I p,,,,tIC""'. In-

golsradii

j'')+

uer Dusscn, 'Thcorie ell p"bic: c'en cpithalanuum v,m

Six Vall

142 ,1

52 ,\

5' 51,

., -

'OS

.I')

Rhetoric, Rbctoncians and P(Jd, Ccmrdns J,,~nll"S VOssill.', Pucli"",."", i1l,lit"ti,mul1I, liiJri tres. Am,tel"damum l 647. S~C' "Iso (;nardus .Io~nne' Vo"ius, De ,ntis !wctiea" IWlura

, p. ,,·2I. S~"lig~r, P"ctices !il"i ,cph'm, Ill. ~5, p. I '3' 'C'lJll prisei Ordtore, id Jf;~r~1lt mod,', Ilt movcrcnt: inconditc nanquc suadcbnnr. Pocrac vero lit oblccrarcut tantum canriuncuhs cnim ",lis otium transigcbanr. utriquc ab altcns postea id, quo cercbanr, muruari suut ..!.P'>t'tarlllll aurcmnumens, ac sOllis 'lddita fuit anim" p()'te~ L.. I, apposiris fabcllis pro cxemplo, senteTltiis pro pr~ccptione. Id quod Horatills r~(tiss;m~ ~xpr~";t ~o "~rs,,, Olll!l(' IIllil !mllt(um qui mistllil IIlile duld, ut toto rOt,l'OS vis duobll' capitib", absol,'arm, docelldo, c't delt'cundo>.

I.,

VossiLL', D,. ,lrlis /",<,ticm- Iwtllra de "",stituti""" liher, 1.1, p. l·~; Ill. [7-'-1, p. 19-~ I, 'llld VI.'-9. p.\.!.-". Th~ vol"ml', I l'X'll11ined wer~: JJnllS DOLL,a, I-:/iigrammarulIl !ih. 11 (d"!, Antverp;at' 1.\'70; lulius C"CSM S",I;g~r, /-'u""",t" ill dll,,, I,arln dilli5", d. l 574: Janus Dousa, No!'a 1""'''',11<1, I.ugd. Bar. 1.\'7.5; Jo"nnc, hml'.er"" Syl,." e"nnimml (ete!, Lugd. Bat. I SS); (;~orgi", Ikn~di~tl1" I)" re/JUs geMi, 1/1, l'ri"(I!,i,, Glliliclmi (etc.) Item 1·:pij!.rm>llI1<1t,I, fp· it"I,hi", l.ugd. lIat. 15S6: Janus Dousa, Eligiannn lil>. 1I EI!igrammalum lib.. I.ugd. Bat. T 5,~6; .lac. Susi"" Car",in" t"m 5,,,.-r,, 'I"'"'' />r0l,h,,,,,,, Lugd. RaT. J ,90; J;lC roman"" Twncinillm pn"tioml, Ingolstadii '.\ 94; IladrianLL' .Iulli"s, I'"hll,>tllm lilu:r l>rim".< (cl, .), Lugd. BJt. 1-'98; Corn. Schonncus l.lfculiraric",,,,n, Colon. AIL 160., . )'1I1U, DOllSJ filius Poemata (ete), Lugd. BJI. j 607; J. Sealign, l'o"maf<1 ",n"i" (d, .), l ugd. Bat. 16'.\; 11. Gronus I'uemald lelc,I, Lugd. Bar, J(,17.ln I)~nitl H~;nsius' Poem,,1,1 this influence IS not nonccable lLntil the iour{h edirion, [.Llgd. lIat, J 614. It is ol,,"ious in what is known a, the 'nova' edition, LlIgd. Bat. r(,11. I encountered (he c<JlI~l'tivl' n:rm ',ylv~'

Developments in Sixteenth-Century Dutch Poetics. From 'Rhctotic' to 'Renaissance' Anrhonis de R()ov~r~, De ged;"htclI. Fd.J.J. Mnk. Zwolle 1955, p. I.,I·I.n; MarikCII 1',11I 0.'ic'rJllt,s:IJcII. Ed. Dirk CoisrlcIlJldel; A,IIIO, ,;..... Etl. F. L)"llaf\V. V~n Leshem. 2 vols. Antwcrpcn r v to, I:, og· I [alno. 57, ~nd JI:6 j-(,71110. 166; Anna Rijn" NiclIll-'c r,.(",,,ill"". [d. \'(,',1-A. Jonckblol'tl\X', L. "an I [Lltcn, Ctlll, I gg6, p- 2X2-2H4Ino. 77; d. I.. Roosc, 'Lot van retor,u, DC' p()et;~" der redorijkcrs ecn ITrkennilli-\." UiJer ,tlWIII"''''''' I'rof- t sr. L Rom/Mills: Lnl\'en J9(,H,p. 111-1.!.8,esp, 116-ll.l.

Notl'> Z

Jam", J..\lurphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages; A History o( Rhetorical Theory (rom S

Pnnccton, N.J. 1985, p. s r . W-.L Brackman, 'Een nicuwc intcrprrratie van Anthems de Roovcrcs -Refereyn van Rethorica".' ]a"rboek De Fonteine IS (1968), 109-!24 (esp. 1 '7-1 !H). Be,id"s, as my colleague Pro!' Dr. 11. i'leij inform, me, inspiraIio[1 by the Holy Ghost is often invoked in the prologu~, of medieval religious narrarive r"xls. 5 Ccntse sl,e1en v"n '539. Ed. B.H. ErnelL.M. van Dis. 2 vols. 's-Cravcnhagc 19S2., passim. A~ for thc hlazon 01 th" Bruges "hambcr, d. figure 2 (taken from: Centse spelen [19H2J_ I:S6). (, Shugcr, Sacred Rhetoric {note 3), 5L. 7 Van Stijcvoort, Rcircinenbnndcl {note tl, 11:66. il \lurphy, Rhetoric i" the Aliddle A;;es (note L), p. 109-130. 9 Cf. Van Stijevocrr, R,'(relnenIJundellnote I), 11:64, 67. 10 Buns. Nieuwe r~fl'rein,," (note 11, p, zH) ,! A-J- (l,linnis, M,..diellal Th<'Or)' of Authorship: ,)chol"Mic Literary Altitudes in the L,ter A'Jiddle ARCS. London [9S4, p. 1 L')-1 3 I; d. Caplan ! 970 {nore 2.), p. il2. IZ A reprint was issued in Gouda in 1607. This last edition was used here. Abour rhe auth", d. jan F. Vandcrhcyden, 'jan van .\1u"em 1111.' Ycrsiagen c- mcdcdelingcn der konillkliik" Vlaamse academic voor taai- & letlerkunde {19P), p. 2119-.'106, 923-';l4il and 'De "rhctorica" van jau van Mussem.' V,.nlagell 6~ mededelingen !M" de kOl1inkliike academic "rJ<" Ncdcrlandse taai- (} lcttcreunde (1975 I, p. ! 3- 5 2, ! 73 -2 33· r.1 Vandcrheyden, 'Jan van \lussem', p. 44-P; Vanderhevden 195L, p. 937-944· 14 [an van Musscm, Rh(."/orica die· edele const van welsegKiJen. Gouda: J"coh Migoen, 1607,

r. 8. I 5 \'('a rn e r E Parrerson, Three Centurics o( French Poetic Theory. 2 vols. Ann Arh", '9.15, 1:68-16,; hi1n~()i~ Rigolot, l.e Texte de la Renaissance: Dc, rh
!7 18

19 20

38. Langlois, Remeil (note 151, VIII and I: 'Rymc peulr estre nomhrce entre lcs couleurs de re-

thoricque, routesfoi, ie I'ay ""parce commc ccllc laquellc rl'quie't plus grant exposicion. car rymes se font en plu,eur, er divcrscs manieres.' Pattcrsou, Three Ceuturln (note [5), I,ili-H8 (Eus. Dcschamps, 1.192), 1;14i (Jean .'\lolinet, I49.1), [:1\12 (Jean L~ .vlairc de Beiges. before! .IL.I), I:z06 (Gralien du Pant, 1.139.1. Roger Drag()n~tti, 'La poesie... Ccsre musique namrd".' l.a Musique et les Ic/tres: t.I"des de lillertllure m';di';I'<Jlc_ Gcncvc 1986, p. z7-42. Langlois, Recuei/lnor~ ! -,1, p, Z j (" Matthns de Cas!{'lein, Dc const 1''''' rbetoriken I(;hemk Jan Cacwccl, !.I i51. l-acs. rpt. Gent 1986, 'c 4'125!. Abour Casrclcin cf. Dirk C:oigneau, '\1:111hijs de Casrclcin: 'Excellent poere lnodl'Ine'.' verslagcn en mededelmgen k""i"klijke academic voor Nederlandse taat6- Icttcraunde (!9ll5), 4.1 1-475 All extensive ,malysi, of the text is given by S.A.I'.J.H. Lmsen, Verkennillgen III M'/lthi;s C",tel~i/lS Cml>1 ran Rbetorilzen. Assen 197'.

1,!J"toric, Nhdori(iall, ,,,,d Po(.'t,

'44 Ik C"-'ldein, Pe

(Oll.'t

l',m rhet",.ik"", p_ 'i/'!r. 1.\.

(:i. lunwn, Verk"""i"!;cl1, p. Yl-16r. Ll[l~l"i" !\('uJ<,il(note ! .11, p_ viii. For other examples d. Marc-Rend JUll[;, -Poet';,\, I.ur Dichrunnsthcoric des nusaehcndcn :vlittl'1alters l!l Fr'l1lkrnch' Vux roil""';'-" ,0-,11 11971 I, p. 44-6+. vsp- ).,-(,1. Dc Caste-kin, Dc o!>ls!t\m r/iel()rikcll [UOll' ~O), p. ,,+I'lr, ,2. L\[\gloi" /{euII'i! Inore ,,1, yiii. Jllng •• [)"':triJ' (note ~., 1, p- 'i .1-.\ h. D" Castclcin. [le «)Il,ll',m rbeu.rikcn, p. 4.,I,n. 1~7. S"e Coigne"" [')Hj (no[,- rol. p. ~H

+5.,-+54I),' casrclc!», Pc «w,,1 1"/11 rhet.mtzcn, p. 2io:!Qr, H1; ,M,n. '74; anu (,rhu.

-'-')

l:llls<;tl. VcrkCJlIJIII!<<'J1,

li(~:

l+l!

p. l6,-.!.6, .

D" Casu-k-in (19i(6), p. to/str. .!.9; 2.S!str. S2~ "SI,tr. r75~ (,I!,rr. rH] ,md :q~/qr. 22H~ 24H!Qr. 2,2. cr. lanscn {1<)7II, p. 26,-2('.\. ; 1 lk Casnlcin. De "o!lsl 1',111 rhctorik,,", p_ ,,,,Iqr..\5. ;2 Ci. l',~ . •\1urrby, UI",toric in fiJ(' Middl,· Ages (note 21, p. [79 {John "t G

lk (:"slc,lein, 1)1' const t-an rhetorikcll.p. I Mstr. +(,. ;7 D" L1S1,>I~in, Pc «",sf /',111 rhe/orrkcll, p. 71s1r. 2.0 ,il( I)t Casn-lcin. De C"II,I ",Ill rhclmih·n. p. 14/str. 41: 17/,,(r, +y; anti J(,/,rr. +0, rcspcruvc-

.10

I\" iY jung, '!'''~tri'l' InO!~ 2.,,1. p . .\2.-,; tReanaud le Que'"'' r .\01, (;uilLnlme Tl'iin 1<;,141. 40 Shuga, .'i"cn·d Rheloric tnorc ,,1, p. ,;<)-64, Cl. ,ds" rhe reference made In 1,(" 10: chamber ot Dicsr on this point to l-rasnurs {note 4HI. 41 4-'4,;

4,;

Cl>lt'!"in

{I<)~(,I,

lh~

p. -'-50Isrr. ~,1"7.

lan,~n, V"'·~·('llJIi}l.~"Ir,

p. l,1-l+, lk Clstckin, Pe ((m"ll',/JI rh"f" ..ikcll, p. -'-\" LdUiJrd d,> Dent, "Icsrumcnt rhetoriL'lel.' hI. W. \X-'arerSdlOotID. C"Lgn~"u . .I",,..IJ(!("!.:. Dc h"'/ei,I(' ~H (1')i(,/771, V"I,~, p. +7-5." Sec also Coignrau I')H<; (not~ ~ol, p. 46<;. ThL' sanle' goes tur;l poem III dd~nCl' of rh('tori~ from abour 156(, puhlis)wd lw L RLlOSl\ '()r;lIIj,· lege'nul'l'r ;\lid'l" E~" All!w~rl" lofdichr "I' rl'!oriGJ.' .laC/rlmek I)" f",uciJl" q [\ 11<)6-1/6,1,1'. j 2 J 'l2N, esp. '-'-.\- [-,-H. Besides rh is lhere "r~ als" a number of 1'1<1;', in manuvcnpt un the 'Jl1\~ slLbi~cr ",hid, I huvr nor Yl't bl'cn "hie to ,~~; d. \V.;\l.H. Ilulllmeltl1, Repertmi"'" ",/>1 /,,.1 redcri;kcrsdr,,,,,,,, I ;-oo-,'.J (\.!o, A"C'1l '9(,X Ip. ll/nu" 1Jh. II'.!anJ 101,IJI'1. lIrld'17. It;IJ!{tI. Spel"'1 l'dll sill"" 1'01 S<'(lOne mnralisacicn [... 1, Al1twerp~n, \Vill~ln Sylvius, 151,-,-, Cl. L R"o,,", '])wekk d~1\ m~m~hc "IJccmee'l tot cousrcn ,','rw~~c Jk poi.;li~iJ dcr Brub.mr-,c rccleriiklT, in J ,I> 1 . !fuMe-,dl",m I'mf. n/".}.f. V.lIlderl!cyden. L"l1g~m"rk 1'170, 1" ') I" ] oH.

4('

This "PI,li,·, ro the plan of the Anrwnp ch"mhn De Ohjfruck (ril~ Olive-brunch). rill' \Ie~h<:ltn chamber Dc Pl'Oe1\~ (thc I'coll;·-flowtrl, both c'h'lmh<'" of [)i~

rile' first pr,zc-), Fe"'t Robcrr Curtius, f:"mIJa;,dJ( I.it,.,
won

47. ,O-'j \

B~rn

'1914. p.

Noles

'45

Sl,elen 156l(notc451, Yy.r" S,,,:lcl1 J 5h2, Nn.,". Cf. Curtius.l-:uro/iiii,che I.ilerlltur (notc 471, p. '5h; lung, inote

~.,I,

'!'''~trL'l'

p. hI.

50 51 52

!)!,cleiIl.16",p.i.2'·I ..,'. Roosc, 'Dwelck den rnensche .. ' {note 45), p. 10}.

5 ,1

Spden I 5h2, p. Q.2"

Spe!cnI56l,p.C.l' Spc/ell 116l. p. C. I'. Ro"'c. 'Dwdck den rncnschc .. .' tnorc 451, p. 95, attribute, it to Van Hnecht. Howevcrc i see no reaSon to tl" ",. Alllh~ mher conmhunons by Van Hacche are signed.

),1

5(,

S!JClenI5h~,p.Q.I"

S/"dCIl{ISh2),p.li.l".

51!

The final words of this text still link poetry to rhewric, which Il1Jy, however, have been

ju,r a generalization. A second introductory text, also anonymous, offer~ a ,hort hi,wry of the rhearre, taken from Ca"i"doru<; alltl others, antl includcs notes on the history of the chambers of rhetoric ill the Duchy of Brabanr. Lu~a, D'l-kere. Dell hof en hocnngaerd dcr poesicn, Fd. W. Water'choot, /W()lI~ [')(;9. Ahout him d. S. Ering

tcrscboor 1964/6.\. p. S9-10.\. D'Heerc. Den Imf en Imomgaerd, p. 3-4. Cl. Marijk<: Spies. 'La rhctonque de rHymne de {'Or de Ronsard.' Rhetorica 7 (19S91. p.

r .19-r 70. Se~ alw this vollUne, eh. I. Cf Graham Ca,tor, l'h'iad,. Poetics: A Study ill Sixtecntb-Ccnturv Thoughl alld Tenni",,{·

h.1

(Jgy. C"mhridgc 1964, p. I S-ll (;errir Kuiper, Orhis arli"m en renaissance, Vol. I: C",."c!i", Vah'riu, "'I Scbnstianns F(Jx-

(,0

ill' A'!"rzjll"s ills 1"""",," van Coornhert. Harderwijk 194 J, pa,~iJll; Harm Klifman. Su,dies <Jp het gebicd l'a" de "roeg"ieuw""d",lam!se tri"i"mlraditic (c.I.\.10-c.u>,fo). Dor· ('4

drcchr I9R" p. 1.\9-J6,. Hi, plays can be found in Dirck IVokkert,zoonl Coornberr, Hel Roer,pel en de comedscs 1'1J1l Caomben, Ed, 1', van dcr :>lenkn. Leid~!1 19.1.1; about him d. H. Bonger, /.("/'('11 en

U'erk ,'all D. V. Coombert, Amsrcrdam I ')7~; al,o Alln,;ke CG. Hearkens, 'Lcrcn met lu-'t: Coornhen, ro[]e<:!sl'clc'n.' Dirck Vn/ckerts:::onn (."oo",h'rt: Dwars ntuar recht, Ed. H. 65 6(, (,7

I'>H

Bongcr ft al. ZUlph<:n I 9S9. p. Ho-R7. Cooruhcrt. Het R""r>I,eI ell de wi1J"dics, p. I H. Coornhert, Het RO('r>I'el en de comedies {note (,41, p. 1.1(,-1 SH; d. Fleurk<:n" ·l.nnl mer Ill'l' (note (,41, p. ~+-H5' I. Pc,'tces. Ta,llophoUll' al> "cnais"",,,,,-idca,,/; Sludies "I'l'r taa/()/JValliJl,~c" ell laal!""lktijk in de zcstiende C" ~"'"-"lIli",,dc el'uw. Amsterdam 19')0. p. 6H. Manjke Spies. 'kk rn"er wonder schrvvcn: Het paradox"le lofdicht hi] de lcdcn van de

Eglcnncr.' Fer i, hd lol des d"ucl,l>: Opsteltcn ol'er renaissa.iK(· ~" claseicismc aangclmden mm dr. F Veen,lra. Ed. H. Duit, et al. Amsterdam 19Hri, p. 43-5 I, e'p. 44-47; Peelers. T,wlop[,OllW <11> r"i1.1is>,mce·idellal, p. 6.1. 73-7.\. See "Iso A.CC. Flcurkr-ns, ne toneetspelen Fan n. V. C"ornhat (1<;:'.Z·1 >90) <11" "'iddel 101 hel ge"en van morc!c i",tmOi". Hilvcrsurn 1994·

6') To he found in K. RH~k[], (etl.). Re/,'reillen ell andere gedicl,/ell "it de 16c C'/'/lw vers. en «[geschreeen d.ldll de Hm)'lle. Vol. z, Antwerpen, 'HH" ]1:,l.1·3R. About him cf. J.J. Mak, 'lets ""er de Amsrcrdamse retlcr;jk<:r Eghert Mcyncrtsz." U)'I i"nsten "",Si/eml: Re· loricllle studicn 1')4(,-1 ,)J6. Zwollc 19) 7. p.

:;9-! of7·

Rhelori" Rhetorician, ,,,,d /'oel, 70 7

ShlLSer. Sacred Rheloric (nOle .11, p. (;J -oH A.J. Kiilkn, Alard"" Acmslc1redimm, "n Conu:Ii", C"'CU5: "1;/1('(' !\m5terdarmc prlcster-

h""''''';'I'''': fhlll IC1'('I1, wcrke" e" lhc%gi$d)(' opualtingen. Nijmegen/Utrechr lYo~, p""il11; .I- Traprnan, 'Ioanllc, S'Htorim Ic,,- 1500-1 5.\ 71, gvnmasiarch re Amvtcrdnm en Xoordwijk. ;11, Erasnuuan en spiruualist.' Ncderlands archie( u"or kcrk!;"scl'i"d""is 70 (l y')ol, p..10-.\', e'p. j z.• .l S-4' 72 H.I,. Spiegcl, Twc-,IJrIIMk - Rlfy,~h-IJe1t'erp - Km! Begri/! - Rcdcrijck kunst. EcJ. W..I.H. Caron. Lironiugen J962. Thc quotation ,n the il1ln,duclOrv letter to the Am,renI;,m rnagi,trac"\', p. 4· -1 K uipcr, Or"i, ,Irli"", [note 61 J. p,,64-,(i7~ Klifman '9B, ITlot~ (,} I, 155 - [('7' 74 Spicgcl. Troc.sprcacle {note 7~), ,llo·,ll, 7S He wrote' an llltrodllction to the project~' ~ whole, whi"h was printed in rhc tir,t publi· cation. the grammar from 15~4 ISpicgell'962j, ~-SI. 7(, Pc'('Tc-rs, ')'cw!ol,JJrmw als rcnaissancc-ideaa! (note ~7), p. 40 50. "7 In: 1l.L. Spic;;d, l!erls/'ieghel en a"dere <;edcschri(tcl1. Ed. 1'. Vlaming. AnlSlerJ"m: Andncs van Dammc. I7l", p- Loo-lOS. 7S N. van del' ban, Uit Roemer Yisscber's Ilra"l)din);. Vo]. a.Lrrrechr J')21, P.l~-42. 79 CL h~smlls. AfJ(Jphlhcxmata (tyrann\'), Ill: De,iderlu, Era,mu" 0liCra (J>""i,l, Vol. 4. l.ugdunum Batnvorum: Pctrus van dcr Aa, '703, col. 227 C~ and Mmicle encomium Ilwpocnsv and I'aulinc f"olishn~"J, in: Era'mu, {'70.,I. (01. 405- .i0' Id" 100, O/,a" oIN"i". Vol. 4/,: Mori"" rncumiunr id est ,tl1ltili,I(' /<111,. Ed. Clarencc H. i\--liller. Amstcrd:lll1! Oxford 197<). So Ill: Van dcr Llan, Vii Roomer visscbers llrahl"'/i11!; (nOle 7~1. p. hr-70. Cf.J.C. Aren" 'I'. Collcnuccio\ Alithei" herijmd door Roemcr Vrsschcr.' Tijd"hri(1 V()or ,\h'derhmdse tall/c !"lIerk""d" ~2 1'9~0), p. [H-' .io. ll' Jan "an Ilout, O{u/rarht ,1all Bmcr Co,."e/is. [an 1'"'' /I""t - C,lhii .. r$' FcJ. K. Bostocn er al. Leidcn 1')':!0, p. g-9. SL J. Prinsen, 'Bronnen voor de kl'[H1is \,,11\ leven en wcrken \'all jan van llout: I.' Tiidsc!ni(t !-'(J(Jr .\'edcrfandsrhe uial- .:,;- Idlerk""d,. 2L (, ')0 }). p, LO\-l>9. 21 v L24. H, Vlarren Rndclslu-irn. 'Een onbekend gedi"ht van jan van HOlI!.' Taal er /etteren I, (190,1, p. ,'.1.'-,+4, ["p. 53';)·544;.!- i'rinsen. 'Bronncn voor dl' kenni, \'~l1levell en wt-rken van jan van Hour: lV.' Tiidsdm/i l'mlr Ncderlandschc ladl· & Idkrk,,"de 52 (, ':! 1, I, p. ISS-209, csp. 2011-20';J.

6 The Amsterdam Chamber De Eglentier and the Ideals of Erasmian Humanism H. Brngl11ans, Ceschiedenis 1''''1 Am;.l",d,I"'. ~llcJ ecJ. by I.J- Brugmans. Pan 2. Utrechr ,'IC 1';)72, p. 7.1-127 E. ElIcrhroek-l'ortllin, Amsterdamsc I'l'd,.riih·r:;:;/n'/"II in de ~l';'li",,,i(' Croningcn ere. '957, p. 'I and 50. Ten Nieuwe J:lcU lpB'. In: H.L Spieghel, Hcrt>/!i,,!;hel en ""derc ~edl'-sdmlll'll. I'd. I' Vlamiug. Amsrcrdam '72-3' p- 20.,-L05 'Balm-den gcmaccr 01' dc "Hi,facric v~n Amsre rdam cUlIlo I 57S.' In: l.aurrns llU,b,/, R,':1<'1. Rc(crcynl'lI, D"/adens, J::f'it<1{iell, Hi,l"r;"I"", ell ,lIIder,.,., Licdelrcns, UB-Gbl'JIt 'ign liS 9Y,. nr. l~. I wish 10 rh,mk :Vlrs. A, Banckc who rransuibed the m.muscnpr ancJ cJid SOIllC research lIlto ir, COnl'l'nts. 'LcllliecJeken .. ghem'1eckl bij LJ. \"\T1dcn handel inrcort,· Vandl'Tl 'l·].-cn Fgherr mcijncrtSl-oon cnz,' In: Re~e1, Rc("re,,",,", nr..,2. C,'IW'.

'Refcrcijn ghcmacckr 01' cJi~ "'

(ern'''['I',

nr.

'7.

Notes

'47

'Op

ewerp. Kon Begrip. Rederi;ckkllnst. Ed. W.J.H. Caron. Groningen I962, p- 182-183 {R"dnijckklln,tJ, p. 65 (ritlc-p.rge R"dcnkeli"g. Part 2. L:tr<'~ht '\12,>, p ..'{,-42.· j 2 Sec Li,a .Jardin~, 'Lorenw Valla: Academic Skepr;ci,m and the Ncw Humani,t Dial<'ni~.' In: The Ske/Jlk,ll Tradition, [d. M. Burnyc, p. R5-ll6. This ~dition ~pp~;!rcd originally ill l 542. An augmented edition "ppeJr~d in l546, ~nd it w;!, thi, one that gr~w famou, in th~ 'hth and 17th centuries. S~~: Gerda C Hui,rnan, R"d,,'f Agricola. A Bihliop.r.-1.G., Amsterdam I {, I 2, <.cap. 8, p. 48- .\0. ,6 Desiderius Erasmlls, Apophtegmatium (... ) libri octo. Antwcrpen 1564, p. 342.ln Opera omnia, part 4 {1703), p. 227a_ 17 Under the ritle Stri;dt tusschcn IX'aerheyt ell S(hii". III V"n der ban, Uit N"",,,,,," Vi,schers Br,,{,hdin/<. V"L ~, p. {,2-70. Sec: J.e. Arens, 'Po C,,!Icnuc..:i,,\; Alitheia bcrijmd door Roomer ViS\chcr. >In: Ti;d:;c/m/I uoor Ncderlandsc taal. en lcttcrkundc 82 (I 960), p.

6 7

'54-' 56.

H~il1l,

(;,intn Sdll11itz, rh'sio{ogi" dt', :;c"a~e>. Bedelll"ng "",I Rechl(erligllllg tier A,-s /"""",Ii im ,6, j"hrl","derl. Hiluc'she;11I ete. ")7~, p. ~4 and pa~sllll. \X'irh tn'lnks f() ,\lrs. A. Src,k, who wrot,' a pape' on Vi"cn",\ 'T 1,"/"
7

Rhetoric and Civic Harmony in the Dutch Republic of the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century Tr"nsLJrion ,\'11'''1 Sd101(.-H~c"pink. J I. Brllgmans, (;nchied,."is 1',/11 A",>ll'rdlllJl.

~1\d. ~d, rev,,~u

1..1.

HrtLgm'111s.

Vo!.~

L'trcchr. Amsrerdarn '97L (, th ed. '9,,01, p. '1,'-' ,\9; ;"l'lrijkt, Spit'S, 'Tilt Amsterdam ~h'lmber ])e Fgll'lltin '11ld th~ iJ~'lls of f"-'lsm;'ln hl'l11,ll1;sm.' FnJlJ1 RCI','/II', Richn. Cu/lu,.e ./!Id Ili,lr,,-y of Ill" I,Ol!' COlllllries ! rOD' 1700. /"Iemllliolla! 0- Jlllenli>cipliil.Ir)·j'

. Thcn Ikrmam! R~lIlic'r S.llvnd'l i(:JIIg,,,'rd der l"'i'sicIl, Ed. W/. \X-'atersdwnl. ZlI'ollc '9(,').)',

'4-' x. (,

Th~

RIJ~kIlS, RC/;."H'i,,,.",, '-''' ,,,,der,, gcdi,-l}fl'lllril ,1<, 1(,<, "elll<' I 'er, dnor -''''' d,' IJmy"i'. Vol.2. Anfwnpen 1 ~~ I, p. \ I-.'~ Spies, 'Between Orn'llllc'[1( .1I1J Arf-:ument"ricm. Devdopmc'nls in rorh-Ccnrurv Dutch 1'0cncas.' In: RI"'t"ric,-Rhctori<1ellrs-Redetijkcrs, .Idle Koopman, e.;] (~ds), Amstcrdom ere.

rl'xt is

pllhli,h~d

in: K.

~"IJIdd ell ,,/!!-c,;.-!n""('1J

'99I,p,lLO. ~

inflll~nn- on methodical think'r1S ill the hurnanirie-. Rod"lplllls Agrio}lrI P!irisi", 1-1-44' '48,. J'mc('cdi"g, o( thc [llle"",,liO/w/ C""I;')'"",-e .utbe [fIllI'CI'sily "t' Gnmillge", 28·,,0 Od,,/,,'r 198.1. I'. Ak kcrman and

l.isn jurdinc. 'DisTincti",: discipline' Ruuolph Agei""I""

A,j. Vuudcrjnur feds.), Ll'iuc'IlI ~e\V Yorkl K"h~llhavnl Koln 1')~~, p. '~-17' csI'. -1-~-4,; SI,it" 'J)"I-'c1oj1rnc'llls in Sixtc'tmh-( :entur)' DI,t<:h Poetic," i note j}, p. ~4-~'. P. .\--Llck, Reillli""a",",' ,1J',~Ilm",,1. \-,,,11,, ""d Agriu,J" ill tt.e I'w{it;m!s ,,( ..heluric ,md di,,-

I"aie. l.l"idel\, :S

'""1l,,,,i,!t'JI. Ilildrap,<, 101 de s!udi" 1'dll dl' (Il"aies """ ,II' rh""H'ic,' ill do rCllrlis'''Ilce. ~i('ll\vko"p 19~7, p. [99-~01. I"lr"d()x" stfllOll"lllJl, proo(.'l\1illlll 4'.\, ill: (."ianJ i" 11I,,,,,ly-,,i;.:')! 1'''{UII1('s, Vol. ... ell1l' hridse, .\'I"".lJ,ol1don 19~~, p. ~1(,-~57, ILL Coile, J\""d"-\',, el,idcmi"". The I"I'JI"i,';,III{(' Ir,ldili"" "/l"n."I".\'. I'ritKtton '966, I'.

, 'i'.'. 1.

'1 I4

le). 1,"Tld"l, Vcradoxes.. re sont !,,,,p,,,- ,-olltre /<1 cm"'HI",e "I'i"i'''' [ctc.], [Transl. bv Cb. Fstielll1cl. 21lU. ,·d.l'"ri,iis: [Charles Esticnnc], j 1,1 {Ith ",1.15'i,11. !\ b ri jKc- Spies. '( :"(][11 hl'rtS "I.of V~ n de l'h evangh en issr ": crust. "pcl, of l'rns rig spe I" I-'r,,.~cl"ie Il'ij:;. \il\'gel'

t, [(,

,,,'er

lek,l, 1,,,,1 en I""'g,.,rhiedcllis. Bundcl 'l,mgellOd"'J "'Ill I.""f)u!d 1'"",,,,,;. J.B. dell Bcsn-n/ A.!\--1. DlllllhoVC"IlI lP.A. Stroop {~us.). Amstcrdurn/Arlunr.r [')')0, 1', ~," Bru~man" G",chiedc"is "'''' AlIIslcrd'lll1, {sec n()«' 21 vu!. 2. [972, p. 7,-H_,. J..l. '\ l"k, '!(oh over de Am~tl'rdaJ1lsc' r"u~riik~r Fglltrt Mcvncrtsv.' Uyl i'lII,te" rcrs-renn, R,'lu)'i",,,,, sfudies [946-19,6. Zwolle , '),\7, p. ',19-'47.

,,0.

1.. R""cl, Re(ereij""".

'",1".1,."" le/C./- Ghaml, University l.ib,,1I')·, '.J, llls. ')')"

nr. 1,.

EJ. Duhicz. Op de grens van humanisme en hen'"r",i"K. Dc h('tckenis van de Imekdrukklfn,t te Amslerdam ill eell {;,'w"KCIl riid, fj(J(,-1.i7S. Nieuwkoop 19112, p. Ill,,; d. al,o p_ ! 5.\-)(,4 and p. l.O3-:~.05. ,') H.L Spicghel, Hrrrspieg/lcI en {imlere zede;.dmften. Ed. P. Vlaming. Amsterdam, Andrie, van Dammc, 1723, p. 20.,. 20 Rcacl, Retcreiincn, haladcus (not~ 17), nr.12. 21 Read, Rcf(',-eijnell, baladens »r.r e. 22 Cf. for instance: Joke Spauns. Haartern ,w de refmmatie. SteddiJke (ullullr e" k"rkelijk let-en, I~77-16l0. 's-Cravcnhauc '9S9, pas'im. H. !'longer, l.a''''1 elt u-er]: l'an n, V. C"omhert. Am'terd~m '')7S, p. 2S- _, 2. -'-4 H.L Spiegd, Tu.e-spraacli, RIl)'gh-/Jeu'erp, Ken "egrip. Rederijck·kunst. EJ. W.J.I·l. C;lron. Groningen l')t.l. 25 Spiegel, Twc-s{JraMk mote ~4), resp- p.a , 7, and Gj. 26 Ivlarijk~ Spie" "kk moer wonder schrvvcu': her paradoxnlc 10fJicht bij de Il'llc'n van d~ Egkmier.' Eer is het /of des d",,(hls. 0IJslel/(')I ouer renaissance CII classicisntc aangcbodC)I aan dr. Fokke V('en,tr,L H. Duits/ A.I- Ueldcrblom/ M.B. Smus-Vcldr teds.j. Am,ter' dam I')S6, p. 4.J-5I. L7 Van der Pod, /)" .dedamatio hi; dc hurnanisten (note 101, p. 1')-'-2.J5. -,-R ;"l.A. Schcnkevcld-van der Dusscn, 'Het probleem van de goddclijkc inspirutie l>ii dui,· ren-dichtcrs ill dc r ode en r ydc ceuw.' Tijdsclirifl UOM Ncderiandsc la,ll· en /elterkumh' 105 (I\lS\I), )~~-WO, e'p. ,S5-186; J-M. Koppenol, I.eid. iJeehll. Het l.oterijspel (1,9(,) ",m Jail ",m Hout. Hilversllm '')98, p. 1"3" 6.1'. L\I Spil", 'Development, in Sixteenth-Century Poetic'" (note 3), p. n -7 S· .>0 Spil'gnel, HCrls{>ieghcl en alldcr~ ~cd('schritlclI (note 1')1, p. wt.· loll . .,1 Spies, 'The Amsterdam Chamher Dc Eglelltier' (notc z.}, pa"im. The text is published in N. van der La.ln, llil Roe"'''' Vis,;"he'sllrllhl'e/illg. Vol.2. Utrecht 19lJ, p. 36-4L. For much of the following information on the literary context of Visscher's poem I thank mr s. A. Sterk, who wrote a Ma-rhesis on rhis subject. n Polvdorus Vergili",. De renrm illucmnri/iUs lihri "cl". Basileu: Joh. Frobcnius, 1.\ ,J 6. Lib. I cap. 8, p. ,;8-4'H Dc-s, Erasmus Apophtegmatum (... /Iil>ri "do. In: Opera om"i,l. Vo1.4' Lugdunum Baravorum: Pctrus van der Aa. T 70.1 {rth ed. 1531 J; col. ~l7 CH J- G"dol, F..n. AII>crti, ""i"""",1 mall of th" "arly rmai:;,an,c. Chi'agolLollJon '969, p. lll-U.,; J-e Aren,;, 'I'. Collel1l1,cio's Alitheia herijmd door Roemcr Vis,

. In: Opera onmia. Vol.~. l.ugdunum BJ{;lvorunl: Petrus van der Aa, 170, tr rh cd. 150~1; col. 210. 36 Spies, 'Between Ornament and Argumentation' {norc -», p, 12.0. 17 De.,. Era,mu, Moria" ,,/lcO/nil/lII. In: Opera omnia. Vo1.4. Lugdunum Batavorum: Pcrrus van dn Aa, 170, t r rh ~u. 151' 1;co1.49S. 38 Colic, Puradoxia el'ide",iw, (note' -'-I, p. -,-2'., I .1,) S. Fr anck, Paradoxa du,enla oaagi"ta. Dat is a/xxx u'<Jflderreden relc.!. [Embdenb.e" s.a. [, 5(,5 ?].• title-pagc and p. 2; H. Honger ~nd A.j. Geldnblolll, 'Coornnen en Sebastian fraIKk,' De zevennendc CfJlU' 1 l {, \196). p ..,21 --' 3'), e,;p..,-'-5- j av. 40 Marc van der Pod, CorneliJlS A;.;ril>{i{W (note 40), p. 102, IS

4l 43 44

Rh('/oric, l?h"toricimlS ,lnd l'"els Agrippa ""11 N~t!~,h~ym, De {n

8 Helicon and Hills of Sand: Pagan Gods in Early Modern Dutch and European Poetry joo,t 'an den Vondel. \Va!.:en, edircd by j.F.!'>'1. Srerck cr al., Vu], 10. Amsterdam 1<).17, p. n-q. All quorations are translated by \1. Spies. For a g"lleral survey of Ovid's influence on r prh century Dutch poetry and e,p"c'i~II:' on Vond~l, see: Mreke B. Snurs-vcldr, 'Orphcus, dichrcr-lccrmcesrcr, nunnaar en mandaar', /.
l

19%, r ..,1l.1..,8H and .'~2. Virgil, Fc!o!!.uc>, CeorRic:;, AI'ncid, rranslarcd Ill' H. Rushton Fairdough, rn. ~d., Vol. [ London/ClmhridgC' (/v1a",.) I ~(,'i, p. 66-69. Coornhnt, Hd ma,/",I ell dc comcdies : p. 1.16-1.18. H Ct'. .lulill' Ca~"'lr Sulign, Poetia> lihri se/Hem T.-t_1,yOIl 1561, fae<;. cd. A.Buck. S!\lt!gart-Bad t.annstatr I ~H7, p. 6. <) H.!.. Spicgcl. /-/crr-spiegcl,td. E VCl'[l,tra.I-1ilv"r>um t ova , I, vs Tl5-llll, p, 10-J I. TO Herl-Spic,~cl1V, vs. 4<)-ll8, p. <)3,,)H. I I Cf. Lraham Castor, P/6c1d" /)()clie:;.. A sludy in ,ixtUllth-(I.'ntllry thollght and termiilo/ogy. Call1bridg~ I ~64, p. 24-5°. I ~ S/'rlen ,',1>1 si"n,. 1'01 S(()(m,. m,,,ali,,,,,,,.n l~t~.J. Anrwerpcn 1.16l, p. B l""'" I ~ LilO, [n kn~, De" h,,! ,'n I)(}()mgacrd der po{;"iclI, edited hy W, Watersehoot, 7wolle I ~('9, p. ::'4-l<). T4 Eric J"n Slnijter, 1)(' 'heyde"5(hc {.llmlen' in do ,\IrJ1Jrdn"derlmufs(· "hilder!.:I""I. circa li~O-1(,7~ krc.]. DC'n Haag 1')~6, [1. .,T::'-., 17; Karcl van '\'bnda, De" !irondt d"r ed,,1 /"'.1' s.bilder-const, edited by I!. :\1iedcl11

me'. I <;

16 17 I

[9 ro

Kard vall Mander, W'tlcgghingh (Jp dell lvleiamorphosi, Puh. Ouidii ,'\l,,,1IlIi5 Il'!e I. Ilaarkm, 1(,04, p- 3 -o-. Van .\bnda, 'WJkgghingh', l'>"'"-::'.I''''''' V,ll] Mandcr, '\'('tlcgghingh', 4""'" Spi~,. 'Poccrschc fabnjcken' (nOll' -,1, p. l,1l ~nJ l40-l4 I. Sluijler, 'D~ heyd~nsch~ tabulcu', p. ]4-16. et. for insrance: Jacoh van dcr Schucrc, 'Cboor "he vcr,,\m~li[lggh~ dcr \h,S('S in DC'I Ncdcrduyl5ch,"n I-h-linin. Hasrlcm, 1610, p, 50-(,1.

IS [ II

l,l

l5 l6 27 lH

19 30

Cf. Joost v,m den Vondel. Ttoee ~eel'aarl-gedi(hten letel, edited by Marijke Spies, l ""b. Alll,renbll1!Oxford/N~wYork 1987, !w"i",. C()1l>laIltijn Huygens, C<'dichun, ~tlitetl by J.A. W'orp, Vol. 1 Arnhem 1892., p. lH-! .15. :\1arijke Spies, 'Arion - Amphioll' Huygem en Hooft 1I1 de SlOrmm van 16ll-l(,l2.' in E.K. Gmote, et al. led,), {}ytli4d,' g",.hn'ven. Studie, ovc> HOD(t. Gmllin~en 19HI, p. 101-116; esp. 105-JO(,. j.H. Meter; The literary theories o( Daniel Helmi",. I~rc.]. 1\"('11 19l:l4, p. 3H-67 Vondcl. Tu.ec zecvann-gcdicbten, Vol. r , a r s-a z r . Daniel Heinsiw;, Nedcrduvtscbe poem.un. ir616!, edited by Bnrbaru Bcckcr-Cantarino. lIern/Fr:lnkfllrt am Main I ~g" I. Daniel Hein,ills, jJacchus "" Chri,tus. 7;<"", IO(ZJlIgen, edifnj by LPh. Rank, j.D.P. Warners and EL. Zwaan. Zwolle 1965_ p. l4-,,5 and 99-104. Hcinsius, B,I,-"<'h1l' ell Christus, rcsp. \'S. 51-56 (p. 114-116) and vs. 645-654 Ip. IH41. Heinous, Ncderdnytscbc Poemata, 'Einlcirung", p. l6-" 5. Baerhel B~"ker-Callt'Hino, Daniel Hein,iu,.llosto11197H, p. '9-l0.

D.R. Carnphuyscn, Slichtclycke ")'",en, Vol. z, (s.L, 16141 resp. 179-180 and 170-175. Cf. also: "-1.A. Schcnkcvcld-van dcr Dusscn, 'Ccmphuvscn en her "genus hunulc'", in H. Duits et al. tcds), Ecr i, het lo( de, dcuchts [crc.]. Amsterdam 1986, p. 141-1\,. 3l Heinsius, Baccbns ell Chrisn.s 'Inlciding", p- 16. 3.1 Recchr-r:ant:lrino, Daniel JI";nsi",, p. (,6. H GlIst

la !nemiCre "'oill'; ,Ill 17(' sicclc. Paris 19l0, p. l75-l\l1 ,5 J.-L. tie Cucz de B:llz:lC, Oelwres, edited by L.. :'\,lorcau, Vo!. 1. ['alis IB.\4, I' 3. 'Di,,",,,,,,s huictiesmc', p.1l0- .160. ,6 Cf. Carnphuyscn, Sticbtctvcec rumen, Vol. 2, p- 179-IBo. n Wilhelm Sluircr, "N(Jodige ondcrwijsingc en vermaningr acndcn Chri,t~lik~n S:lnger ~lId~ lcscr" in Psahncn. lot-sangcn, endc gccstelilec liedeken, [ere.1. Dl"\,~nt~r [661, p. b 3 "'<,"',,. 31

Cf for instann": Daniel Heinsius, Herude, in(milicid". Tragocdia. Lugd. Bar. 163l, p. ,,940; and Th. A!'., Treur,!,e1. De ",oord der onnooze/en. Am~terdam, 16,,9, p. 1\ ,,"""" A, to the author, d. P.H. van Moerkcrken, 'Wie is de schrijver van het treurspcl "De moord der onnoozclcn"?", Tiidscbritt vaor Ncdertandschc Taal- ell i.cncrknndc 1.1 (IB941, p.

1.1 6-143 J. Mclks, jo",-bi", Oudaa". Heraut der lJerdra"gzaambcid. Utrecht J95H, p. 57-59 and 177·

40 4' 42 4" 44 45 46

Cf.J. le Winkcl, Onlu'ikkdingsgang da N"derla"dsche lellerb",d,., lIld ",d., Vol. 4. H:larlem 19l4,p. lO\l. J- AnTonides van der Goes, De Ystroom, Amsterdam, 167 I, p. ,,~" 4""". H",in<;iu" Epislola qlla di"ertatl"ni D. llalZJ6 ad Herode'" J"(,,,nllcida n,,/HJlIdetur, edited bv M. Zuerius Boxhom.Leyden J636. Antonide', ne Y>lroo"" 'voorreden', '''! "'d" - ~ •.,"""". Era,mus, Th,. Ciceronian (note .1), p. 437; B:llz:lC, Oeuvres, Vol. I, p ..FB J",,~him Ouda

eIJ,kc I>eoc(cning I'a" de lettcrk""de letc.l, edited hy J.B. Brandt (;orst;us. Groningcll I 97l, p. 69-112.

152

Rhetoric, Rh(.'/ori,--iaJl$ and P"""

Amsterdam School-Orations from the Second Half of the seventeenth Century E,j. Kuiper, De I-/ollan,!s,' ·S"ho(Jl-ordr(." van

1(,25.

(;roningen

1':I5S,

p. '4(,-qli, '7[-

17~,

Kuiptr, Schoo!·,mire, p. .I'). KlILplT, Sdwo!·ordrc, p. 46 56. 4 Kllipn, Sdw,,!-ordrl', p. '';'L., . .\ \hrijk<;> Spi"" 'lktwem ,'pi( ~nJ lyric. Thl' !,~nrl" l!l le. Suligtr\ Poelia, Lilm Se/,[eill: In: j-kinri~h F. Plett tcd.r, Renaissancc-Poctik, Renaissance Pcencs. Berlin. N",v York 1'1'14, p, L(,O-L70, Sec also rhis volume, dJ,.1. (, \larc C;,1\'1. van der Pod, Dc 'dcc!,mwtio' hi; de hum,mistt'n. P,ijdra;.;c [ot de studie 1-',/11 de [uncties. l',m de rhetnrica ill de r,,"aiS$l/nce. Ni<-,uwkoop 1\llb, p~"im. Van dl'f Pocl, De 'decl,mwtio', p- so-a [ I')O-! v [ . H SL~ Arp~nJi\ 1 for a dcscripuon. ':I f.E. Hllydl'~{)ptr c.u.. Urationcs. Amsterdam, joarutes Haffman. J75L-175'), Univcrsirv l.ihr"ry Am,r~rJ"m: .,04 C 24. [0 (;.j. Vo"ius, FIe'menta rhetoric", (Jr<1to,-iis ejusdem panitionibos occomodat a. illquc mum sclmlanon Holtandioe et lVest-hi,i"" "fitl/. Le;'d~'n I t.L(,. Sl'~ for This and the othcr editions: c.S.\1 RadClllaker, [.if" ,,,,,I 1l'ork of G,'r,m!"$ ]o,mIJes VO$sius (, .177-' 6.jyJ. A,· 'tn I ',)H I, 'Ched.:list of VOS,ill" works' nr. [5, p. 3(, [- .16L, 11 G.,I. Vossim, [{helorices contractac sire nartitionnm oratonarum li/ni q1li"qIJe, l.eydcn: l"hann,'s ~1air~, ,6LI. Sl'e for rhis and rhc other editions: Radcmakcr, I,ife ,md work of \'rJ$,siIlS, 'Chcckli'l' nr. ':I, p, 3sH'3;'), 12 AphtflOnill', Progy!llllasmatcl, parrim a Rodolpho Agricola, partim ,i Iohanne Mavia Catauaeo, brinit,lt~ donara. Cum ,(holiis R. Lorichii. 1 used the edition Amsterdam: Ludovicus ~t Dauu-lus Hxevini )(,5.1 Univ<:c,il)' Iinr"ry Amsterdam, 12H"} F 10. Sec tor the orhcr cdinons: Kuipcr, Scl}()o/-(Jrdn-, p. '.1 7 "nd th~ cat'l]ogLll' of th~ Am'lenlam univl'rsit)' library, '3 ;"1anh"~lIs Timpius, Dormi secure, lie! C)'/lIJSlfW proiessonen ac studiosonnn dotJlJ<,utiae. In '1ua ccnnnn et viginri thcmata cratona. Quorum qu"edam nude dunr"x"t slInt di,posita: quacdarn veri, ex docnssiuus et theologi" et philmophi, Jil~tala er exorn,lLl; noll sohun srudiosis, sed rro[essnrihus d0'-luellti~e, ,le' p;c'l,ni, \'l'rac ama'Hibus lI!ilis,iilla ~n pemcccssaria 1... 1 Dc nOvo ~mtndara et thema,is aliquot aucta..1 vols. Amsterdam: ,umpnbus Hcnricus L'urcnrim, 1(,42. Univ<:"il)' linrar}' i\[mtnd,lm, 104H C J 6. '4 Thomas Farnnbius, Index rheto,-icu, et or"torius, ,sd](Jlis et i"s[ituliolli re"erioris ,U'I"li, «cconsodatus, Cui adjiciulltur fornnJl'le oratori~~ ct ;nJl'x pocticus Editio novl"ima pn· orihus cmcndatior. Amsterdam: Jo~nne' J<\nSSOTliu" I "4S' Univl't,ity lihrary Am'lnd

171 I

l.\

J 6.

Iv"r I'ttr Adolphu" ,\·J"dull<1 or<1tori<1. Contillen, omnium lransirionum formulas, 'l";hus ornari possir omno rherorica. III gratiJl11 ,t\ldi",orulll eIo'-lucnria<:, ex var;is matorihLl' c"lled

R~nerll' NeuhusLlI', f/orih-gi"", /,hi/o!"g"lIm. Si"", v"rerum et ,-",centiow", eI(Jqil~lJti,,,' 1,,·ol/lu,s-umdIlS. In usum illustris !-\ymna,ii Akmari"ni. Editio novis,ima multi, lo~i, au~· rior et c"rr~dim. Am,lerdam: J;lI1ssoni"" J 6.\);. Unive-r,ily library Amsterdam: I [':171--1/. 1-' (,,'org;'" Beckherus, Or<Jtor extemporm"'Il' Se" urns or
I (,

IastiL;I~

illu,tr;n

~()rr~da,

schematc logico-rheroricc practice am-

plificarn. Amsterdam: jounncs Ravcstcinius. 1(''54. Univcrsirv library Amsterdam: 1°99 F

Famianus Srrada, Floqucnna bipartita: pars prima prolu,i()n~'i academic-as, sivc prolixIOrc'S ~xhibet oratione>, ;Id hl~ultatcm oratoria'TI, poericam, historiarnque sp~~wnt~" al. tc'ra, paradigm;lt

ui fUlura imitaturis ;Id diL~ndal11 brcvircr qllacclUlqu~ de r~ 'emmtiam: ~XCfpta cx J)~<:;ld~ prima IIi,toria~ de Ikllo Ikll\ico ejusdem auctons. Amsterdam: joanncs Ra\·esl~,.n;ll', ]658. Un;vl'r>;ty library Am'tndam: '0(,.1 liB. jacobus Crucius SUa/fa Delphica. Sil'c orauonrs 4; varii argumenti, Srudicsac [uvcnrutis manuducno ad arrcm oraroriarn. Amsterdam: joanncs janssonius. 1650. University library Amsterdam: IOS11 D L5. I.H. van Eeghcn. lm-entarissen van archleuen hetre!t<'I1de de Latiinscbe school, bet Athenaeum en G,'ze!schafl/,en t-an studcmen aan het Athenaeum le Amsterdam. Amsterdam 1946, p. 1 I. S~~ App~l1dix I. Van der Poel, Dc 'dedamatio'_ p, Ill, nr; 2.7', and p. 12.7- rz.S. N""hu,iu,,, F!(Jrilegium, p. 95 "n '00. Adolphus. Med"lIa, nr. 69, p. 70 en nr. 2.7, p. S6. Timpius. Dormi secure, dl. I, nr. 6 'Vitupcrario Hvdropis diviriarum scu Avaritiac", p. 1I-

,L.

Apbthomus. Progvmnasmata, 'Aliud loci communis cxcmplurn: in avarum', p. rHI Ill.1 en 'Tertium cxcmplum thcscos, conrinens. divitias non esse summum bonum'. p- l6L- l6,.

Women and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Literature lhrs is the text of a lecture given at the Institute for Historical Studies at the University of London, Xovcrnber 18, '994,

3 4

Argumentative Aspects of Rhetoric and Their Impact on the Poetry of Joost van den Vonde1 (1587-1679) 1 should lih to thank ;\1". !'atri<:ia V;ln Hee' for tr;lnslating thi" and \-lr. I'dlll Vincent for some editorial corrections. J.H. Meter, De literaire theoriecn Fan Dame! Heinsius. Een onderzoele naar de kla55ieke en humanistischc bronncn van Dc Tragocdiae Constitutione ell -mdere Reschri!te", Amsterdam 1975, p- 86, 95-10" rox-r a, 11l6-94. Marijke Spies, 'Het epcs ill de 17~ ccuw in N~dnland; cm lit~ratullrhi,lOrischproblccm. 11,' Spcht ator 7 (1977-78), p. 562.-94, notably 578-80. Ct. also P. Tuynman, 'Pen-us Scnvcnus. 12..January 157(,-.10 April ,M,o,' Quaere"d" 7 {I \1771, p. 5-4 -" not;lbly ,-,. SP;~" 'Het ~P'" in d~ 17~ ~~lIw.' Il, p- 58o-11I. Cerardi jonnnis Vossii De artis pocticae natur,' ac co",tituti""e lil>er. Amsterodami 1 (,47, Ill. 10, I I and 17, p. 15-19. See also Marijke Spies, 'H~t ep"s ill de 17~ ~cuw ill t\edn' I

7\1-411, norably 390. Gerardi J":Inni, Vo,sii Pocticarum institutiunu",. libri Ire,. Amstnod~m; ] (,47, Ill. xiii. 5, p. h'), and 9, p. 72. For rhc date, of (he editions of the Commr:ntariorum rhamicorum, siu" "ra/"rillln mstitutionum libri sex see C.S.\1. Radem;lkcr, (;erardus l"allnes Vossius (l 577-1(49). Diss. Nijmegeu. Zwolle 19(,7, 'I\ihliografi~,' no. 3, p. 276. Sec also: Spi~" 'Het cpns in de l7C ccuw.Il,' p..\h.\.

RiJ('/(Jric, Rhetoricians ,md Foci,

154 (,

(;r"h~m Casror, P/"iade PoCli". A St"dy ill Sixteenth-Centllry Th"ught ,Iml Termin,,/ogy. Carnbrulgc 19(,4, chap. I and l. Spies, 'Hrt cpos in de 17(' CClIW.' I, p..,96-97, and 'Het ~po, ill de 17C eeuw.' IL p. 566-69

VOSSill', De artis poeticae natura ac ((",slitlitiolle li/;('r, 1. 1, p. 2- .,. Vo"i"" 1)(' artis /)(Jetial<' natllra ,I<" u!lIstit"tio,," lilier, VI. H, p..,4-35. Vo~si"" Podi· ("rlll1l illstit,,/i"'lUm, lilni tres, J. I. I, p. (, cmd 11, xiv. 4-5. p. 7 5. See also Vo,~iu~, De elrti,' /}()('/i",I<' natura ac c()n~titlltio",'Ii"er, Xl. (,. p. 6(,"(,7. In more detail, Spi~" 'H~t cpo, i[] de [7(' lTUW," I and 11. respectively p. .1~0-91 and '\(,4-(,5 Juliu,; Cll'''lr Scalit\l". ['oetias Iilni '''J!ll:m. Fabimile-N"uJrllck dn Aus[;ahl' von l.yO[] 1561 mit eincr Finl~itllng von I\UgIlSt Buck. StHttg~rt etc. 1964, I. I, p .." col. I Cln mOrt Jet'lil: Spil's, 'H~l "1"" in Jc 17~ e~t1w. I allt! Il; p. 39('-"7 and 5(,(,-69 respectively. Arisrorle. The 'Art' of Rhetoric \Vilh an English rranslanon by John Henry l-rccsc. London ere. 1<)67, I. ix. 40. Ciccro. De purtnionc oretone, a r . 71 Uemrdi joannis Vos", [)c rhetoricae 11<1I1Ir,1 1/( cunstitntionc. cl untiqnis rhctorihne. sophiSli" ac onnorilms. liha lIItUS, 'i. I have \ls~d the edition enlarged by Vossius hirnsclf whidl appeared posthumousIy in 1(,5S in (;erarJi Ion. Vo"ii De 10gi<1' et rhetori,-,,(' lII,tura a.- nJlJ,tit"tione Iil"i 11. I rag'll'-C:<Jmiti~ 16\"S. The c.~prl',sion rderreJ ID m'ly be found on p. 45-4(', For th~ ,I;u· illg of th~ first ~dition ~~" R~dl'nukcr, Vo"iu~, 'Bihliografi",- no. S, p. 277. See al", Vo."i11> CommentariorlllJl rheto,-i.-orIlln lilni S('X, L iii. I, p. 17. IleillriL'h I.a"sberg, H,mdl!1

~I\d )"2-71.

12 J"

'4 j

17 IS

T') ro ~I

II ~,

P·3 6 i - 6 6.

AnslOlk, Tbc 'A.rt' "tRheloric, 11, xiii. I".,. On Ant. Sob . Miuturno, De poet". Vl'nin' 1))~ ~~e e.g. S. F. Wit,t~in, hm,.rairel'oi.;~i(' in de J'''"derland,e re,wissana. lonkd" fJlllaair" gedidJte" 1'/111 Heillsius., HO(Jfl, H"ygell; eJl V(JJI(lel, heeicn legeJl de achlergrond v,m de themie lictrcffCllde het gelJre. Diss. Utrecht. Asscn 196'), p. 5 'i-.\ S and 72. Cf. also Sealign, !'''dices Iilnt ,,,pli:m, I. 1, p. .1, (01. I CD ~Ild Ill. IO~. p. I)~-IO')- 1'.160. Vo"ius, COnJlIJcntari"rt{m rbetariconan lihri sex, I. VI. 7, p. IlO-21. V""i1l', COnJmelltario""nJ rbetoncoruin libri sex, I. vi. S. p, I21-l~. CL Ci,ero_ Topicil,

(;~~r"ardt

l<;

~(,

l5·~

~')

Braudt. Het/Cl'en van loosl "'Ill dell Vondd, EJ. by P. l.eendertz jr. 'sGmvcnhage 1"-", (orig. I(,Sl), p. I'). Printed in: De toerhen uan VOlldd nJ. J.r.M. Srer<:k e.u. 10 tomes + reg .. AmsterJam 1')~ 7-40, respectively t.a, p_ 4.1 j ' 5\", LI, p. 115"-~04 and t.ll, p. 654-) \. My detailed dl~ tori""l analysi, of Hel Lof dcr Zee-vaerl is publi,hed in Vondelbii gelege'lheid. c'J. r.. Roose en K. Portcman . .\1iJdclbllrg 1')79_ p. 6,-91 A similar analy,i~ of the Im~')'di"~e

,,<',,Ies

'55

",m het Sladlhuis I' Am5terdam ha, b~cn pllbli<;hcd in V;sies op Vomlellhl dridwmlerd jaar. cd. S.F. Wimein and F.K. (;root~,. Th~ H:lglll' '979, p. '(,5'217. Marjonn~ M. van Randwijk gin', an analysis of the Zeemagazyn in her master's thesis. a copy of which mal' be fcmnd at the Institute for Dutch Studies of the University of Amsterdam. See, J.II.W. Ungcr, Bibliographic /lan vondete Werken. Amsterdam, 11{1{1{, no. 549, p. I07.

That the exemplum is rhc rhetorical form of logical induction is argued by Vossius ill his Commentilr;"mm reloricom", /iliri 5ex, III pars. prior. 1'.6, p..,7(,. 32 VOS,illS, rht·toricac nalur" ,/c- ",msti/uti"ne tiber millS, 4, p. 37- 39. 3, Vossius De rhetoricae ""lura ac (Onstitllti"",, /iIJer Ifnll" ) H, p. , ''1'20 . .' 4 Quinrilianus. lnstitntio oraeona. Ill. VI'. 2.7. VOSSill', Commcntari"mm rhetorinmmz/iliri sex, I. v. 39, p. 105 . .1.\ Qllintilianlls, lnstitutio orasana, Ill. VII. 2.6. VOSSillS, Commentariorum rh('/orinmzlll lil>ri sex, I. v. 39, p. 104 . .V' See E.J. Klliper, De Hof/alld,dJe 'scl",oJordre' U,1n JO.'.J. Croningcn 1958, p. 1.17 and p. 2.) 1. I have u'cd the cdition Aphthonii Prugvmnassmna, partim iJ Rodolpho Agrico!a. partim iJ Johanne Mana C:ltJna~(), I.atinitate donata; cum scholiis R. Lorichii. Amsrcrcdami '(,55. The poem referred to is on p. 2'7-41 . .17 Sec e.g. Quintili"nll', Inslit"t'" oralor/a, Ill. vii. 6. Sec also Ansrorle. The 'Art' of Rhetoric, I. ix. 40. 3') See Karhannc Fremantle, The [JamqM Town nail of Amsterdam. Utrecht 191"9. 40 \X'c arc here dealing with a shift ill the jogical ordn of argllmelllarion for reasons of maniplllation, one of the issues [hat constitute the diffcre'Kc<; between rhcroncal argumcntaTion and dialectic. Cf. VOSSillS, De rhctori",u "atura a, ,r"'Slitul;on" libcr "nus, 18, p. t22. 41 On this see Ciccro, De oralore, 11. xx x. '.' 2. Cice"" D,· illventio"e, I. xiii. 18. Quinrilianus, lnstitutio oral(Jri", Ill. x,,\·Xi.20, Sec also Vossius, Ccmmentariornm rhetori(orwn lihri sex, Lvi. 6. p. J 18. 4~ Sec I. van Vondcls Inwydirl);C ran 't Stadlhu;, t' Amsterdam, 1(,55, cd. by M.E. Kronenbcrg. Devenrer 19'3, p. 8-'4. 4 _' Cic"ro, De pnrtitionc oratoria, 12.. 4 J. 44 Vn"iu<;, Cornmcntariornrn rhetoncorum libri sex, I. VI. 7, p. 12'.

List of Works published by Marijke Spies 1973- 1999

Publications indicated by an asterisk (") are included in this book. KMd van IvlanJ~r (I .148·l 1>06), De kerck dn deuchl. EJ. Hcs,d Micdema <'n \brLjkt Sri~s. Am,t~'rdarn KlIll'lhistor;sch ImlitllUl van de Univcrsitcit van Amsterdam 1973- Van Jell' ~Jitie ve"chcen ~en ,'erbl'terdc tweed" Jruk Amsterdam 1977. Amsrerdnrnsc smalde-

len ~_

(,.

'01' kri,i~ in J<: hi,mrische Necrlandi,lick', In: Spektlilur -' (197.,-1974), p. 4').;-51:. 'H~t ~r()' in J~ 17" ecuw in !\ederland: Cen lileratuurhiswri,th probkcm. J ~n 11'. In:

S/n'kt"tor 7 11 ~77 -'781, p. 57'1-4 I I en 5h2' .194· 'N"ar een histor;,ch-mar~riali"i'chc literatuurwClen,chap: her project "I.of d~r ZC~· vacn" In: Politick en (Ultllllr -'7 {1'i771. p. l.19-l.!-8. 'Het ,wdhui' SClar op de Dal11. Fen onderzoek I1aar tie argumentele opb"uw van V"mlel, "Inwydinf;e ,'an het Srndrhuis r'Amsrcrdnm'' 116551'. In: Visies np VOlldellla,oo iaar, F.~n bun del anikekn verzarneld d"or S.F. Witslcin en F..K. Croorcs rcr gclcgcuhcid van <1

en dc honingvl(J~i~l1d~ ler:l:lr'. In: i\I.M.H. Bax c.a. (red. I, \'(fie ueel lccst heefl ueet le I'erantll'()(mlen. Op'lellen ovn filologie cn hi"lOri,che lcncrkunde aangcbodcn aun Prof.dr. E Lulofs. Groningeu J9~O, p. IOO-' 17. 10_ 'Arion-Amphion: Huygens en Hooft in tie "torm~n van 1(,2J·1622'. In: E.K. Grome, e.a, (red.), Uyt lieide ge>dm:v(:n_ 'studie, ,W/'r HO"ft IJIII,ro maarl.iylll. Gron;nf;Cll "IHI,

\l'

'B~atrij~

p, 101-1 J 6.

'Argumentative aspects of rhetoric and their impact 011 the poetry of JOO,1 van den Von" r. In: Rhetoric reoained: papers fmm the Inlemational Society for Ihe Historv of Rhetoric. Ed. Brian vrckers. Binghamron N.Y. 1911l, p. 11l7·I~H. I i . 'I'.CHooft, ho"fd de' pocetcn', In: Ons afded l4 {1\lH, 1,1',485-494. J3 V,,,,dd, IlIwydillge vall '/ ,'iladtlmis tArnst crdam, Fd. Saskia Albrccht e.a. Muidcrbcrg

[I.

del (1 'i ~7-1679

19 81.

14. '\'''11 rnythes en mel1ingen' over de ge,chiedenis van d~ lircraruurgcschicdcnis'. In: Marijke Spie (red.), Hi,tmi,ch/, leltcrk",,,le, Faatten van ..akb"oefenin". Croningen 1984. p. J

17 1- 193. 5. Des menscn of!' en >l"d<'l'g:lllg. i.ncratuur ell iceen in de I\'oordelijke ,",,'ederlalldell ill d" ZC!Jenli"nde ceuW. Amsterdam. Barncvcld 1985. BulkRoek nr 14l. Van dit werk ve,,~hcen

\lS S ~~n

rwccdc druk.

158

Rhetoo'ic, Rbetoricians and /'oets

[6. 'Rhc'wric'd's en pocnca's in de renaissance en hun invlocd op de Nedcrlundsc lircruruur. In,L''''/!'b ,H(I,;,R5),P. 14.1'161. 17.

I X. 19,

ro.

rr .

2.,.

'Scaliger ~n Hollande'. In: Aoa Scaligeriana, Ed. J. Cubelicr de Bcvnac et 1\-1. .\-hgnicll. Ag':I' 1';IH(" p, ')7" ('';'' 'In de gLms """ hel [~V~l1: Iit<""lullrgeschiedclli, "I, kun'lgeschiedenis in wis,d~nJ l",r· Spt'crid', Ill: Thcon:tisch' g("schicJcnis 13 (I ';IH6), p. 2 I ,;,'230. 'Charlotte de Huyhcrt en her gclijk: dr gelcerde cn de wcrkendc vrouw ill de zevcnncndc e~lLW. In: luct atutrr 3 (19X(,), p- 3,9-15°. 'kk moer wonder s~hry"en: het p

';IH7. l\-lnnlLJ1l~nta Litcrarin Nccrlnndica ,

'-4- 'Zo"l,

de Incr.

Z('l'i'n

litcr"lllllrhi,loriscl,,· H'rkewlingc", Groningcn I,:,X7, p.

X<)-IO';l,

l,i 2,(,.

'Vondel in vcclvoud. H"t Vondcl-ondcrzoek sinds de iar~n \'ijfti~' In: Tijd,clmlt u""" Nederlandse "",1- ell {i'ttcrbmdi' 10'; i 1';187), p, ~., 5'2(>,;" 'Vondcls actualitcit' In: Marja Ge~,ink ell I\otoll B",wrs (r~J,), Vondd: h<"l '"110> I'"n ('(.'n

,vnbadJlelii/.: dtchterscbap. 's-Uruvcnhage 19X7, p. 44-47. 'VonJeI russcn Van Mandcr. Hcinsius en Hoofr'. In: .';/iekt,1tor 17 i19X7-I';IXX), p. lX-4~· ~H, \'O",lell'O(II<1I, De tiedcren "

,0.

iI989), p. '17-[14· i 1. "Ic winkcl. Lirer atuurgeschiederus ill, wet~mch~r', 111: Ilt('rat,,"r 6 (I ';IR'}), p, 3 .n-,; -'(,. 12.

'Christen _kllf:d, lcerd Konsr en Deugd: Dc zcvenncnde ccuw (sarnen mer Annemarie van To"rn ~n Sietskc Hoogcrhuis). In: N. Hcimcriks en W. van TOOrtl trcd.}, De heic BillcleIWII1,elierg, De gcscbicdenis !',III het ki,,,lerl>o,,k ill Nederiand en vlaanderen. Amsterdam 1,)H';I,p. [°'\'167,(,(;9-67° .

." . 'I{enaissance-sllldics in tQC' N~'lh"r1"nds, I';IRO-19';10'. In: Bill/dill ,,,li,3/1,,,"," Slwilc, 7 i 1<)')0) .

of rhe

Societ)' (or Re·

.14. -Coomhcrts -Lot van de ghcvanghcnissc": crust. spel. of crnsng spel?' In: vragrndc wns. vrocon en-er telat, 1<1.11 ell ecschiedenis, Blllldel aangeboden aan Leopold Pecten hii ~li'l "(,,,hcid ,d, hooglcra,zr hi,t"ri,d,c hwlkllnde uall hcl ,\-i"derla",/$
rcventicnde e"ml' 6 i I ';1<)0), r. ! 61,-174_,6. 'Op de quesrve ... : over de

str,,~·tllllr

van ree-eeuwse zinncspelen'. In: De llieIlU_'i' taalgids

H,(19';10),P·lj9- 150.

1"'. 'Dc ,mckre Brcdero'. In: Erusr van A[ph~n ('11 Ma.likt !\-1l'ijer Ir~d. I, Ve can"i/ o"d",. !'1IUT. ;\:..de.-l<JlIdse titcraumr tegelldmads gelcren. Amsterdam 1 991, p, 3.1"4H. 1H. 'Bctaald wcrk l Poczic als arnbachr in de I -rc "tllW'. In: H"llmld 2, (I ';'9 11, p. 210'224-

!.ist o( Works puli/ished hy Marijkc Spies j \173-19\19

1')9

,9. 'vl'occtschc Inbrijcken" en andcr c ailcgonccn. r-ind r edc-bcgin r ydc eeuw' In,

()lId HolI,md 105 ('991),1'.228-243. 40. Rl"C~IlSie van: Louis Peter Criip, Het Ncdcrlandsc lied in de Couden Eell//'. Het rncdrams. me oan de nmtra(aau"r. Am,t",rdam 19')1. I'ublikati~, "an het P.J.lvlcenen,-[mtituUl [,. In: De niemoe taatgids 8, (J 992), p. 166-170. 41 'R~J~rijker., en ref()rm~ti~ in J~ tw~edc helft van de zl"-'tiende ~~ll\V in Am'tndam'. In: J),' zcc','ntielld" ce"w 8 {1<;I,)2.), p. 66-74' 42.. 'I\ar<>ck-Rhctnrik. Ni~derbndl"·. In: Historiscl"" Wiirterlmch der Rh"lmik. Hrs);. \'on Cert Ueding, Gr~gor Kali\'()da en franz-HlIbert Rohling. Bd. I Tiibingen 1991, k"l.

1343- 155°.

"a" Haarlem (/ ,,(,2' j 61 H). PatrollS, frie"ds and D"tch humanisls. NielTwkoop '991. {Saml"n met Trull' van BUl"renl. In: O"d Holl"nd 106 (J992), p. 199-lO5. 44. 'vAsrronomia die haer constich ghcnccrr indcn loop de, hcrnels": Sterr eukunde 01' het Antwerp, landjll\V~el'. In: [I-van Dijk, Jvl.A. Schenkeveld-van der DU>'~[l en J..\1.J- Sicking {red.). III de zevendc bemei. Opstellen ucor 1'.f..L. Verkuyl OI'erliteratuur ell kosmo;. Groningen 1993. p. 52-56. 45. 'ketori~;] in de tijd V~l1 midddceuwel1, hum~ni,me l"n r~n"i'Sanc~·. 111: Caroline Fi"er e.,,,, Ci<-~ro Orator. Cicero'; Pro Mil"n~ in retorische ~'" cu/tulJrhist()risch~ context. Den

4 .,. Re<:emie ,'an: 1\llie I.. .\1cGee, Comcli, (;(Jmeli,ZC!on

Ho~dl J99",p.12'-'.". 46. 47.

.. H.

49-

50.

5r \2.

.\3.

'From di,puration to arf\llmenrJtiol1: the french morality pby in the sixteenth ~mtllry' In; Rhetorica ]o{1':l9~), p. 26'·27'. -, juli I ,l!4: D~ AmsterJanv;e kamer "])~ l-glcnner" draJgt de "Twe-'praa~k vande ~(' derduusche letrerkunst" op aan het Amsrerdamse sradsbestuur: nieuwc opvatringen over litcraruur'. In: M.A. Schcnkcvcld-van dcr Dusscn c.a. trcd.}, Nededandse titeroumr. een gcschicdenis. Groningen J 99.1, p- 177-1 H2. 'Oudcjaarsavond 1675: Cornclia van der Veer schaduwt KathMina l.escailjc als dcxc I'Jl\ het hllis van haar vviendin S:ua de Canjonde nJar dar van haar zustcr gaal: het I'rollwdijk aandccl'cln. !\I.A. Schcnkcvcld-van der Du"l'!ll".a, (rcd.l, Nederlandec titeranmr. ecn seschied~ni>. (;roning<:n 1993, p. 2l! ~-~g7. "'The Amsrerdarn chamber D~ Fglentier and the ideals of Erasmian humanism'. In, From reuott to riches. Culture and hi5tory of the Low Countries 1jOO- I 700. lntemationa! ,mt! i"/erdiH"i/Jlin"ry perspeclil/es. Hd. Th. Hermans and R. Salverda. London 1993. Crn,sways 2, p. 10Y-IIH. "'Dcvclopments in sixrcelllh-cemur)' Dun'h poetics: from "rhetoric'' to "rcnaissance" In: Re"aissance-RhetrJrik / Renaissance Rhetoric. Hrsf'. von Heinricn F. Pletl. Berlin, ;-"';cw York ]993, p. 72"<;11. "Minerva's corumenraar: gedichren rond het Amsrerdamsc srudhuis'. In' I),; uoentiende ,'<'IJW ~ (19931, p. ,.\-".,. Signalcment van: Francisclls van den Enden, Vriie l'"lilijke Stdlingen. Ed. \X'im Kkvn. Amsterdam 1992_ In: De zeventicnde eeUJl) y (1993), p. gg-90, 'Fnige opnlc'rkingen m'er de rdalie tm,en dc' kUIlSlen in de znTllliendc eellW·. In: Rheln,-ica, /'oaic

ltheorie. TI"'ma",hier Instit""t I//)[)r C"/t,,"rge,,hiedenis. Am'terd'HTI

'993,1'. "-16 . .\4. 'Rhetorica: strategic'. Rnk uitgcsprokcn bij de aanvnarding van het ambr van bijzondcr

hoogleraar in de geschiedenis van de rhctorica vanwege de Arnstcrdamsc univcrsitcirsvcreniging aan de Universireit V

Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and /'oets

,;6. Bij ;',mm!ell 0"'. O!il'ier llnlllcl ell de doon''''''1 IW,," Chin" cn C"th,l)' in de ,,,,tie"de rcuu-. Amstcrdnrn 1994. 'Ongdiikc licide van de [6e tor de 18e ccuw'cIn: Marijkc Brockhuijscn en i'>lyrk Tio('Jlg Ircd.l, W,II heer oml: gcdachten ewer oodcr tonrden. Bourn 1994, p. J 1- ~9. ,;8 'Mcnnonircs and lirernturc in the seventeenth ~cllt\lry" In: 1',."", """t)'1' to "'''P!')' (MellIIOlIite "rh,m profeHion,,!:;j. A hi,tori,,1i introduclio/l to clIltur,,1 "Himil,lIi"n I"·"a,;,<."> "f ,I "eligi"lIs mi""ritv ill the Net!'erlalld" the Mellll""ito. EJ. hy Alast3ir H3lnilTon, Sjoukc Voolsna and Piet Visser. Amsterdam 1994, p. 8.1-98. ';9. 'Verbceklingen "~n niih~iJ: David en ;\'loin, Burgcrh~rt en B~t(), lIrlltLls cn Cllo' In: D" ~cl'cntie!/(Ie e<'"11' 10 (1994), p. 14' -, 58. 60. 'Nor ~VlTY conrrndicnon i<; a contradiction, A response to l.ia van Ccrncrt'vln: Els Klock , ~iLolc Tn'llWtn and Marijkc Huisrna n tcds. I, W-'Oll1en of tbe Golden Axe. All intcrnation-

.d d"I)dll'

Oil

,,,omen

ill

sc,'enll'emlh'l"lllny Hulloml, EI/xlmul and It

p..1' -53· (". 'Ik a",krc' \'i,i~'. In: Sim"llIcnm' .1 (1994), 4, p. ,6-17.

'Between epic and lyric. The genres in le. Scaligcr's ['"etices libri soptem', In: /{cII.lis,."l/cc-I'"Clik I Renaissance Poetics. Hrsg. von Heinrich F. Plerr. Berlin, New York '994, p- 2(,0-270. (,.,. 'Lastigc Amsrcrdonuners: De redcrijkcrskamer 1)(> Eglenrier in de rweedc helfr van d~

(,:c.

16dc' ccuw' In: Voorlg,lIIM. j"arl}()ck voor de .lsleer/mldi,tiek '4 (199.1 en 19(4), p. 1-14. 64. 'De "macrzang" van Van Campen- de stern van de Iircraruur'. In: jacobinc Huisken. Koen Orwnheym en (;,lry Sehw:lrlL (red.), lamb van Campcn. Het klllssi"k" idedlll i/1 de GO/idcn F(WII'. Amsterd"Ell 19'1), p, 227--'-,lH. ('I. 'In het j~ar I ~50,,' (samen mer Willem Frijhofl). In: lA, Lruvs en Jan Bos, T'gIU" id'" [(,;0 in de Short- Title CJl"loguf". Netherla"d$. Den Ha~g 1 ~9 5, p. 5- J7. 6(" 'Between ornanwnt and argumentation. Dn-e]opmenr, in 1 (,rh-~entur)' DlIrd, poeri~,' _In: ]dle Ko"prn'lIls, .'I,hrk A. I\leadow, K~n Mccrhoff and .\Iarijh Spi~s I~d,.), RI)l'lol'ic-Rh,;lul'iq""urs-Rederi;kers. Proceedings 01' the colloquium, Anrsterdasn, 10-[, ,''''''''''''er 19\1,. Amstndam ne 199;. Vcrhnndclinac» Lcncrkundc dcr Korunklijkc ~~dc'rlands~ Abdcmic vall Wtttn>chappc·n. Afd. l.etrcrkunde, Nicuwc reeks dl. 16~, p. I ' 7-122.

67 GH.

(,'). 70.

71. 7"-.

71.

74.

Rccensie van: .1\-1. van V~c<;k, Adriaen I'lIn de V(']II1<'5 'Ta(",.ec/ uan de TldilCCh"/1dc Wndt'

(J)cn Ha'lg, I ~ U t, .1 dln. (i~nt '\194. 111: S/Ii"gd d", letli:n'lI F 11<)<).\), p. z,3';)-241, Rcccnsic van: Bcn Hofmnn. Liedehens l'ol ghecstich conioovt. Enl hijdrag" tot de k"'l>Ji;; ,',m de :"slielldc-ecuwse Sclm/tlluril;ke /yriek, Hilvcrsum 1993. In: Tiid5fhrilt l'Oor ;\;". dcrlallds<' tnal- ell letterhundc III (199';), p. 8!.-86. 'Women and scvcurccnth-ccnrurv Durch literature'. In: Dlltch crossing, A JOIln/,,1 ill LoU' eCl/mtri", studie;; '9 (1995), p. 3-2.\ 'flier i;; glJce" lIe/ik,," .. ' Hel rcdcriileer pcrspeclief van de un-enncnde-ceuu-sc liler"lm,,-, Oranc VUA. Amsterdam J 99 5. 'Amsterdam school-orations from the second half of the 17Th ccnrurv' In: Li,)s 2~ (19911, p. Y9-1 '8. 'Helicon and hills of sand: Pagan Gods in early modern Dutch and European poerrv'. In, ! lch-n \\'ikox, Richard Iodd and Alasdarr Macdon.dd (cd~,), Sacred 'lI1d /,wf"n,.; SCCIII,II' and dCI-'(JtirJl1al illterpl"y ill early modern Britisl} titeratnrc. Amsterdam 19,!6, p, ~"-5-~.1(). Rcccnsu- van: Peter \-lac'k, RenaissaNce argument. Val/a and Agricolll iu 11,,' rrildiliou (J! rhd(Jric and did/atics. Lciden ere. '993· In: Biidragen ell m,.d,.de!ingcn betret{<'Jlde dc Me,c!n"d"lIis ,la 2\'edcrlanden 1 '0 (, 99 j), p. \76-\7'), ',~ ,lllgllsllls 1594: Sladhouder Maurits wordl in Amsl~rJam vnwl'lkomJ m~t cell toblcnu vivanr dnr Davids ovcrwinning op Coliarh Uilh~ddr. Dc fundic' ,",m rabk"u, "j"'lnlS bij op~nb~rc' fe'liviteir<;II'. In: K. Er~nstcin e.;'- (red,), Fell tbeatergcscbiedenis ,la

f.i,z

of \l/(Jrks p"liIished /'.1' :\larijke SI!ies 19,,3-1999

Nedcr/andell. Tien eelJw"n dram, en tlreatcr 71

76.

,,7. 7H.

7').

Ho.

HI.

~~.

H3.

H4.

HS.

H6.

H7.

HlL H~.

''''9.1, r- '4H-I". Rcccnsic van, H.W.

ill

161

Ned"rI,md en vlaandercn. Amsterdam

Blom. Cmsalil)' and "whllil.1' ill politics. The rise o{ ".,Iuralis", ill Dutcls sci-cntcenth-ccnturv pn/iti(allhnu!!.'Il. Diss. UU. '9'!). In: De u""nlie"d,, ['('Im' J >. (1996), p- >'79->.lio. 'jan Thonisz, smdsbodr te Amsterdam "Hue nH:nnic:h mcnsch succt rhlly' van \'f<,<"Jen'''. In: W. Abrahamsc c.a {rcd.]. K'JrI Tiil-verdriif. Crpstellcn "''er Ncderl""ds lUlled (1',m<1/ ca.I'i-'O) ,wn!!,e!)(Jd",n "an ,II-heke Il. S",it,- ·Veldt. Amsterdam I ',.19(" p_ 1-6. Jan Thim'v-, V"n sint j"n, onlhoo(dinf,e. Z~stienJ~·~~u\Vs Amst<;rdam, rederijk~r"tllk Ed. Fr~deriqu~ d\: i\-'luy, Paull.aport en Marijke Spies. Amsterdam. ;'himt,'r 1 ')96. 'De vrijhcid in J~ 'Oly(-Krmls der Vrccdc·II(,49)'. In: Dc zeventiende cemu 1, (1997), paor-aox. Arclic reetes I" t~liJled lands. Olnncr Brunct and the pa"'aJ!,(' /0 ChilhJ "'Id Cat hay ill th" sixleenlh cenlury. Translated from the Dl!t('h hy )"lyra Hee"pink Sd",lz. Am'terdam 199 7 . 'Van "VaJerlal\d,~h Gcvocl~ tol Ellropc:es pnsp<'nid: de 'ludie v,m de '7~- m IH<'-eeuw,c lit~ratllur in dc 1ge en >.oe eeuw. En hoe H'rJer?' In: J"" W. J~ Vrie' (red ..I, 'r:ene !J<'de"kdiik" lIie"wigheid'. T,uee "e"",('" N,'''rlandisliek. Hilver,"m '997, p. (,9-,Q.J. [Also published in' Hllf;o Brem, e.a. (,~J.), ,"'cdcrlands a oo jaar 1"ler: H,mdeli""e" d crtiendc Colloquium Nceriandicum. Lcidcn 1997. Munster 199H, p. ,,-7>'. 'Hocwcl ik niet van vondel houd. noch van Van Hoogsrrarcn ...' In: Herman Plcij & Wilkm van den Bcrg trcd.}, Mo()i mccgcnomcns Ouor de Renieth<Jar!Jeid U<J11 onderc tckstell "il de Ncderlandsc Ietlak"nde. V"", bid)' Grooles, hi! ~i!" aiscbeid (Jp 12 septemher 1997 ats hoog/era"" Historiscbc Ncderlandsc Lcnerkundc "a" de U"iversizeizl'"'' Amsterdam. Amsterdam 1997, p. '46-1.\'1_ Reccnsie van: Mircillc Vinck-van Caekenberghe. Fe" ,mderz()ck ",wr hc/ln'en, hcl u-ert: ell de lilerair", (J!n'alli"K('" van (:orndis ('an (;histe/(' ('.1'/0/1 '-'5'73), rcderi;ker en IJIImanist. Gcnr J 9',.16. In: S!JieReI dcr tettcren 40 I) ',.I9li), p. J 19- 1 '4. jaconcllc Schuftcl, Marc Tcrumc & .\1arijkc Spie>, 'Festzugc und Buhncnsruckc: Antwcrpen, Haarh-m. Dordrcchr'. In: Hcrsr Ladcrnnchcr & Simon Croenveld (Hr'g.), Krieg Imd K"II"r. Di", Rn"f'tion I'[)II K,.ieg "nd friedI'll ill tier ,\!i",derldndisclJell R('fI"h/ik und im Dentscben Rcich [~611-1 6411. Munster ere. 1 99H, p. .J 2. .1'-.14 5. 'J)~ Jominee<;, de schooljongm ~n de pro!e"o,-- trancn over d~ dooJ van MiLhic:I Adriaensz. de I\uyt~r' In: Elrud Ibsch, Andrea Kunne & Crisrin" i'umplull (red. I, Dc /iteraire dood. Op,tellell ,MIl Ferdinand ran lngen, Assen 1<)'\Il!, p. H7"tO+ 'Humanist «Hl('Lptiml> of ln~ Far North in th~ worh of I\-h'rulOr and Ortdill<. In: Mar· eel van den Brocckc. Pcrcr van dn Krogl and Perer IV1cllrer tcds.}, Ahraham Ortclills ami the (irsl atlas. Fssays commemorating the qnaniccntennial of his death, J)'}S-19'lS. Ilollt~n '9'll!, p ..101-3 r7. .\lariih Spie, U11J Evert Wiskerkc, 'Nicdcrlnndischc Dichrer ubcr den Jrei'>Igj,ihrigtTl Kricg'. In, Klaus Bussmann and Heinz Schilling (hrsg.). J6411: Kricg ""d Frieden ill Furopa. 3 Bdc, Aufs.nzband z: Kunsr und Kulrur. Munster 1')',.18, p. 39',.1-40~. Cert-Jan Egbcrts. Annclics de lell, Micke B. Snnrs-Vcldr, Marijke Spies. Peter Thisscn. N,na,eha Veldhor,t, 'LiltratllUT ~n lOneel'. In: W'ill~m FrijhoH. Hubcrr Nusrelmg en Marijkc Spies [red.), Ccscbiedenis F,m Dordrcchl l/(ln '.172 I[)I INI.J. Hil\'~rsll[n ,~~H, p. 34 1-.,6H. J

lul d,' 1",,,,t'f,5Ie Cel1l1'. Amsterdam T',.199. Reek, '~J~r1'lnd,t, h~grip'gc'chicJcnis l. p. 7' -98.

[62

Rh!.'I,,,i,', Rhetorician, a",! PoCI,

90, "'Rh"tori" antl civic harmony in the Dutch Republic "f lilt' late sixrecnrh and carl,' sevenfanth (clltury. In: Peter L. Oc~t"rn"ch and Thol1la~ 0, SI"ane Icds,l, Rhctmi(,1 Mm'ei, Studi", ill hi,torical ,111<1 modern rhetoric III honour of Hcinricb 1'. Plctt. Lcidcn ere. I Y9'!, p. .p-j2.

INDEX OF NAMES

Abondance.Tcan d' 17 Adolphus, lvar Petr HI, 1(4-H5 Agricola, R()Jolphus '), rH,47, 5.1',\6, )9, h7.

sr , J 30

Agrippa von Nettesbeim, Heinrich <:"rncli,,, 6(;-67,

Camphuvsen, Dirck RafaelSl. 7.1-7.1',100, ,03"ro\

Casrelcin, Matthijs de 40-46, 4H, 51( Castor, G. Ill', Catanal'lIs,.!"hanni, !\l1ariJ 1(1,13°

Cats.Tacob J20-12.1

I!.,

Alardus Arnsrelredaruus )4, 56, 59 Albcrti, Lconbamstn 56,64 Alrman,l. B. 1,1 Ancau, Barthlemy 71

Ans!o, Rcyer JOO-[02 Anronides van dcr Goes, joannes 76,103-

Cav.lkanti, GuiJo 4';1 Cave. T. 5-(, Charles V, hnperor r 1-' Chesnaye, t'icoIas d~ b 1 (, Chrvsippus 6(, Cicero 9, r 3, 1R, 2." .17, 39-4 r, 43-4H, .\ 3, 5H-60, (,2, 65, 70, Ho,

'04

27-128, 1,2

,\phthoniu" 9-10, .\4-55, llo-ll3, 86,1.,0

Coligny. Louisc dr 29

Aquin

Collcnuccio, I'andolfo 49, 5(" 64 Comc" Natalis 71

Augustine. Saint 39,48 Alltds, Guillaumt' d~, 4')

Ib'if,

Je~n·Ant"inc

de ,10,49

Bal/dL, Jean Luui, GlIa de 74 76 Burran, Henry de 18 Banas, Uuilluurne du 9597,99, 100 10~

Bcckhc nus, Ccorgius Hl B, Bcmbo. Pierre 49 B~IL1Y, JOdchim JlI -'.1, 44, 47, 71, 110 llijns, Anna -", Blasius, .loan 75-7(' Boccaccio. Liovanni 49, 1 IJ Bocrhius ,l( !lOOf], Ilcllrictls en wed. Th~"dorlls HI !\ollf';oltin, Si!ll"n 14 Brundt, Cecraardt ,6, r lH Brcdero, (;~rhrand Adriams/, (,3,116 lhl~hallan, G~()[f';~

C"om~ns, Jon~nna COnli,~.

[:!oH

.;0

Burgersdiik, Franco 7~ Hllii~k,J""'l 61 HU/,al1val, Paul de 29'.;0

120

8-~

Coornhert, Dirck V"kkerr,,- 47-48,50, .,-" 59, (,0, (,2-64, 66-67, 697',73-7.1',10,-

'0' Cops, Simon 61 Ccsrer, Samuel 31 (:rocu" Corm'lim \4 Cmcill~, Jacohu, 82,8-, Cunacus, Pctrus 79 Cusa, see Nicnolas of Cusa Dante 49 Dassonvillc- M. 5,8 J)l'~ker, Jercmias de j 05 D~gu;ll"\'illc, Guillaumc de '4

Deuus. Marthaus .1'(, n~ml'rson,

G 5,8 56,64. (,6

J)~rn()srhrnr,

Dcne. Eduard DeNl'ef, A.

d~ 45

L~ign

2.(,,14

Des<:namp', FU'irache 41 J)"~-Mastlrc,, Louis 1(, Ik"portt'i, Philippc 49 Dibon, P. 1..9 Dicrcricus. Conrudus H2.·H.,

f 11-7 I I '0] 1-601 '~t ·~t '7\' O~,.nlll')J 'lpJl'JP,[

610 'fl ,~nb.wr ',uq.\: tlp PIPIJ

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09 "lIHll:) "llllPIl':1 ',)L

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,UI"-"-IOP'I'N ',lun!<'I!N

INDI-:X 01- ,,"'/\/l.lI-:S Philo jof Alexandria) 45 Pi,an, Christinc de r 13 Pbllfin, Cristoph,'r l.9 l'Luo 7,23,44-45 Phutu, H6

Pldiade, the .'l.-.1.', .17, I 11, 125-126 Pod, :-1. van der ',.I, 6f" Ho Polvcratcs 59 l'olvd"ru> Vergiliu, 5.\,64

I"llltanu" Jacoblls ,,-' I'n,J,:ntiu, J 4, ',.I') I'y, Albn! 5

SidllCY, Philip 30" I Silvi\I', Th~odorll' 11-l-1l6 Sil1l()nid~,

Sluurer, Willtlll 75 Smit, W.A.I'. "I

Spi<·gel. Hcndrick l.aurcnsz. --1~ -19.51-'\4, 56,61 -6" 6\" (,7, 70-71

5mb:!eu, 5,10 SHada, Famianus x z, H6 Sylvius, Willem 45---16 Syne,iu, of CF<'ne', Bishop 59 Tasso, Torql"l\o 102,

Qucsriers. Cath"rin" 12.1' 1 24 Quintili,ln 11, -'4, .,,)'4°,4,, 47, I"~ ,S, I l8, 1,,0

R"dall, .\lJc'had 8l Ramu" I'etr", ~. 1 I, Il7 R'lVt'teyn, johan ''In HI-S.1 I{t"d, Lalln'n, 5l-S.', \6, 60-6!

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',.I,

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Tholll," Aquin", ('.9 Thvsius. Anronius 79 Till)pius. \'l"nh"eu, H 1-~3, Hr, "J'rdlo, Lucrctiu van T 1 i Tuhdim, llcnricus Sl-H(,,8H-Y1

Urban"" Pope HI

R~\'iu',J""obl" .,l·3-'

Rodcnburgh. Th(:odor~ ,11 RO~l11ns, see Vi,,~h<:r Rogcrs, Daniel .)0 Ronsard. Pierre de 5" I I, l7, 2') -' r , 44, 46, -1',.1,71, ')'i,

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Ro",'<'r~, Amhoni, de R\lyt~r,

39,47 "-1idlicl Adrincnsz de H_,

S"nl"17"HO, .la""!,,, -I~, 76

Scaliger, Joseph ll, Ju,rn, 19--, r , 3\ S~"ligcr,J\i1i", C~l",ar 6, S, 11, 21-.>6. ~o>

Il6

Schnbaclje. Dicrick y" Y7. 101 Schabcclic.TunPluhps 93. IQO, [01 Schmirz, H,-G. 5(, Scburmau. Anna Maria Vall 1 Ill-Il.o

Scnvcnus Perrus 7.1 Scbillet, Thom,,, .B, ,7.46---/7.71 Se~llnJIl'. Janu, I 10, I I I S~lIin, 1'. -'-'

V'1I1derh<'yd~n,

J'ln F. 40 Veer, Corndi" van dn 12., Il.+ Vickcrs, H. ~~ •.,4 Virgil l.." 2~, 4--1, 46, 70. 7l Vi"ehcr, Ann" Rocnu-rsdr, ,.,. -r z, I J H-, I'). ILl.' 11. 3 Vi"chcr, Rocrucr 3.1,49--,0,5-1--,(,.6"(,7 Vj"cher, Tcssclschade RO~Ill('r,dr. 3,1, Il.212 3 Vi"Cl', 1'. 9,1 Vives.Juan Luis 114-11,' Vondd, .looS[ van den ,I I ".1, J6, (,\1, 72, 7(', 97-10.\, 1l'i-ll6, IlH'I-,l

vossius (;erardll'J"all11<" j o-jr, ", 6'), 79-Ho, ~-,-~4, 12-'"13°, In W,,~,bcrghe, junssonius

van Sl

Wabcm, Antonius 7',.1 Wein!lnj';, B. .\-6, IT, 2.1, l7 William, Prince of Or~ng~ 19. 4S . .\l.,

Wilson, Thomas 40 ScneCl (,2

Shuger. D. 48

Z",'eeO\c, J'lco!l van 72. I l2

Tabula Gratulatoria

Dr. W. Abrahamse, luxemburg (L) Jail Bank, Amsterdam Boudewijn Bakker, Amsterdam B. Bastiaan, Hoorn Bibliotheek Vrije Universitcit, Amsterdam jnn Blocrnendal, Voorthuizen Prof. J. den Boeft, Leiden Dr. Th.S.J.G. Bogels, Nes aan de Amstel Drs. H.M. Borst, Zaandam j.A.H. Sots, Nijmegen Fred de Bree, Amsterdam Ph. H. Breuker, Boazum Prof. CA. Brusati, Ann Arbor, Michigan (USA) Dr. T. van Bucren, Utrecht Drs. E. Chayes, Amsterdam H.]. van Dam, Leiden Dr. H.G. van den Doel, Haarlem Drs. M.M.M. van Dongen, Amsterdam Prof. Mr. S. Faber, Haarlem Dr. EC. Fabian, Leidschendam Dr. A.e.G. Heurkens, Den Haag Prof. Or. D.W. Fokkema, Amsrelveen Prof. W. Franirs, Syracusc NY (USA) Dr. A. hank-van Westrienen, Heemsrede Drs. ClM. Free, 's-Herrogenbosch Prof. Jr. Willem Th.M. Frijhoff, Amsterdam Drs. M.s. Ceesink, Leiden Prof. Or. C.C.A.M. van Ccmcrr, St. Anthonis Lia van Ccmcrt, Utrecht Dr. LE Groenendijk, Oegsrgces: Prof. dr. E.K. Crootes, Haarlem J. den Haan, Aalsmeer Drs. Frieda de Haas, Oosrz.ian Dr. E.O.G. Hairsma Muller, Amsterdam Prof. Jr. J.D.F. van Halsema, Amsterdam Dr. A.J.E. Harmsen, l.eiden A.E.c:. Harvey-Simoni, M.A., Cillingbarn, Dorset (GB) Prof. E. Haverkamp Begemann, New York (USA) Prof. dr. CL. Hecsakkers, Leiden

16R

Rhetor;c, RI!elori(;llns /lnd Poets

jan A.c:. van dcr Heijdcn, Tilburg C.F.I'. .\1. Herben , Amsterdam Prof. T.J. Hermans. Hemel Hempstead (CH) Dr. TH.C.J. V,11l der Heijden, Delfr Bibliorheek P.e. Hoofthuis, afdelmg Ncderlands, Amsterdam Prof. dr. E. lbscb. Arustclvccn Prof. dr. EJ. van lngen, Zeisr Prof. dr. Th.A.J,I\'!. jansscn, Hilvcrsum Drs. Annelies de Jell, Utrecht E. de jongh, Utrecht Katholickc Uuivcrsircic Nijmcgcu, afdehng Nedcrlands Drs. A.G.H. Kerckhofts, Breda Prof. dr. J..J. Kloek, l.oovdrecht Drs. R. Koclc - Tcrpstra, Alkmaar Koniukhjke Acadernie voor Nederlnndsc Taal- en Lcrtcrkunde, Cent (B) Prof. dr. J.\V.I-I. Konst, Berlin {D) A.C ..\ 1. Koopman, Bussurn Joh,ln Koppenol, l.eidcn 1'\. Lunmcrscn-van Deursen, Dell Hang Ad l.ce nnrvcld, Hccrnstcde Drs. j.W.R. i.erterie. Sloten (Fr.) l'rof. dr. J.A. van Lcuvcnsteijn, Ocgstgccsr Dr. jan van Luxemhurg, Haarlcm !)r,. O. van Marion, Oegstgecsr C.LF Ma mef, Anrwerpcn (B.) EH . Mutter, Naardcn Prof. l'vl.l\. Meadow, Santa Barbara (USA) Dr. Hubcrr Meells, Kessel-I.o {B) Dr. H. Micdemn. Amsterdam Drs. P.H. Moser, Maastricht Drs. CH. Nabbcn, Cek-cu Dr. J. Noordegr.mf Amsterdam Leo Noordcgraaf, Kolhorn C.). Ocvcring, Dordrecht Drs. ,,,",1. van Os, Amsrerdam K.A. Ottcuhevm, Utrecht Prof. dr. K. Porrcman, Lcuvcn (R) Mrs l\1.1'v1. van Randwijk, Amsterdam Prot. dr. P.Tl1. van Recncn, Amsterdam Prof. dr. Hilde de Ridder-Symoenv, Lovendecm {B) Drs .•v1. van Ricssc-n-Rozu, Den Heldcr Drs. A. Res. Barncvcld Rorrerdamsch l.eeskabinet, Rotterdam l'roi. dr. \lI.A. Schenkeveld-v.m dcr Dussen, l-icemsrcde Prof. dr. Hugo de Scheppcr, Nijmegen .'\i1.l Scholz-Hccrspink, Amsrclvecn

Rht'/ori,-, Rhetorician,; ,,,,d Pocls

Drs. P.]. Schuffel, Amsterdam Dr. E.J. Sluijrer, Den Haag Drs. M.L. van Soest, Amsterdam j.A.M.G. Stceghs, Heeswijk-Dinrher Dr. C.FM. Streng, Amsterdam Drs. LG.C. Stnetman, Cambridge (GB) Dr. E. Stronks, Utrecht C.P. van dcr Srroom, Amsterdam Dr. P.G.B. Thissen, Rocrmond Dr. R.K. Todd, Oegstgeest Drs. E.M. Tol-Verkuyl, Amsrclvccn Drs. A. van Toorn, Amsterdam Or. M. van Vaeck, Leuven (B.) Or. P.j. Verkruijssc, Amsterdam Dr. P.LL. Verkuvl, Haren (Gr.) Drs. '«,/. Vermeer, Zcisr Prof. dr. J.j.V.M. de Vet, Beek-Uhhergen Prof. dr, P. Visser, Zaandam W.B. de Vries-Schcnkcvcld, Amsterdam Dr. Manjke .I. van der Wal, Oegsrgeesr l'rof. dr. LCE. van der Wall, Lciden M. Wcsrstmre, Oldenzaul Zeeuwse Bibliotheek, Middelburg Roe! Zemel, Amsterdam Ad Zuidercnr, Amsterdam

Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Poets: Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics - PDF Free Download (2024)

FAQs

What is the major themes of Renaissance poetry? ›

Renaissance poetry concentrated on human values and achievements and emphasized individuality, reason, and free will. The poets were inspired by ancient Greek and Roman literature and often used the sonnet form.

What is the difference between poetics and rhetoric? ›

Aristotle separated rhetoric from poetics, treating rhetoric as the art of persuasion and poetics as the art of imitation or representation.

What did Aristotle believe about poetry? ›

He defines poetry as an art that imitates: “imitation . . . is one instinct of our nature” and “the objects of imitation are men in action.” He considers “Comedy . . . an imitation of characters of a lower type;” tragedy is “an imitation of an action that is serious, complete, and of a certain magnitude;” Aristotle ...

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What poetry form was used during the Renaissance? ›

Few forms are more associated with Renaissance poetry than the sonnet. Thanks largely to the cultural awareness of William Shakespeare's sonnets in particular (who among us doesn't know the line “Shall I compare thee to a summer's day?”), “sonnet” is almost a household word.

What are the key features of Renaissance poetry? ›

Characteristics of Renaissance poetry were wit, beauty, and truth. Poets used repetition to emphasize their themes. Shakespeare was the master of the dramatic genre during the Renaissance. His skills in characterization and word creation were evidence of his genius.

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What are the 3 major themes that you will see in Renaissance art? ›

These themes of Christianity, realism, and humanism all make Renaissance art unique.

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What are the three branches of rhetoric? ›

In classical rhetoric, oratory was divided into three branches or kinds of causes (genera causarum): judicial oratory (or "forensic"); deliberative oratory (or "legislative") and. epideictic oratory ("ceremonial" or "demonstrative").

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What are the five branches of rhetoric? ›

It begins with three branches of oratory — forensic/judicial rhetoric, epideictic/display rhetoric, and deliberative rhetoric. The five elements of rhetoric are shown as invention/discovery, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery.

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What is Aristotle's famous quote? ›

“Education is bitter, but its fruit is sweet.” ~ Aristotle “All knowledge should be subject to examination and reason.” ~Aristotle “Man is a political being.” ~Aristotle “We are what we do repeatedly. Separate him from law and justice and he is the worst.”

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What did Plato say about poetry compared to Aristotle? ›

Plato condemned poetry and believed the phenomenal world was an imitation of ideal forms, making poetry a false imitation. He saw poetry as mimicking nature without creative value. In contrast, Aristotle appreciated poetry and believed the phenomenal world was real.

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What are the six elements of Aristotle's poetic? ›

The 6 Aristotelean elements are plot, character, thought, diction, spectacle, and song.

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How did the Renaissance affect poetry? ›

Lyric poetry in the 16th century was dominated by the model of Petrarch mainly because of the acceptance of the Renaissance theory of imitation and the teaching of Bembo. Almost all the principal writers of the century wrote lyric poems in the manner of Petrarch.

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Who was the most influential person during the Renaissance? ›

Key figures such as Da Vinci, Michelangelo, Machiavelli, Thomas Moore, Galileo, Bacon, Martin Luther, Erasmus, Shakespeare, and other leading lights made their mark on their own time and profoundly shaped the direction of the arts, science, literature, religion, philosophy, and politics far into the future.

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What is the rhyme scheme of the Renaissance poetry? ›

The rhyme scheme in English is usually abab– cdcd–efef–gg, and in Italian abba–abba–cde–cde. The sonnet has become popular among different poets because it has a great adaptability to different purposes and requirements. Rhythms are strictly followed.

What was a major theme message of poetry and literature of the Harlem Renaissance? ›

A third major theme addressed by the literature of the Harlem Renaissance was race. Virtually every novel and play, and most of the poetry, explored race in America, especially the impact of race and racism on African Americans. In their simplest form these works protested racial injustice.

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What was a major theme of poetry and literature of the Harlem Renaissance? ›

Harlem Renaissance artists focused on themes such as the influence of slavery, Black identity, community, and the everyday experience of Black people.

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What themes were popular with Renaissance writers? ›

Themes in Renaissance Literature

Humanism.
Religion vs. Magic.
Mathematics, Science & Technology.
Exploration.
Women: Gender and sexuality.
Art.
The Rise of the Merchant Class.
Queen Elizabeth.

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Aug 21, 2023

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What is the theme of the Renaissance sonnets? ›

Although written in 1582 and circulating privately, it was not published until 1591 at which point it helped inaugurate the sonnet vogue with its standard themes: insistence on originality and disclaimers of conventionality, the lady's coldness, the poet's despair, the lady's beauties, invocations to sleep, the ...

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Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Poets: Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics - PDF Free Download (2024)

FAQs

What is the major themes of Renaissance poetry? ›

What are the six elements of Aristotle's poetic? ›